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TH E TRUTH 
ABOUT GERMANY 



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FACTS ABOUT 
THE WAR 



THE TRUTH 
ABOUT GERMANY 



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FACTS ABOUT THE WAR 



SECOND EDITION 

PUBLISHED SEPTEMBER 20, 1914 

ILLUSTRATED 













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HONORARY COMMITTEE: 

Ballin, Vorsitzender des Direktoriums der Hamburg-Amerika 

Linie, Hamburg, 
Fiirst VON Bulow, Hamburg. 

Dr. R. W. Deechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. 
D. Dryander, Ober-Hof- und Domprediger, Berlin. 
Dr. Freiherr von der Goltz, Generalfeldmarschall, Berlin. 
VON GwiNNER, Direktor der Deutschen Bank, Berlin. 
Prof. Dr. VON Harnack, Berlin. 
Fiirst VON Hatzfeldt, Herzog zu Trachenberg. 
Dr. Heineken, Direktor des Norddeutschen Lloyds, Bremen. 
Fiirst Henckel von Donnersmarck. 
Dr. Kaempf, Prasident des Reichstags, Berlin. 
Prof. Dr. EuGEN Kijhnemann, Breslau. 
Prof. Dr. Lamprecht, Leipzig. 

Dr. Theodor Lewald, Direktor im Reichsamt des Innern, Berlin. 
Franz von Mendelssohn, Prasident der Han delskammer, Berlin. 
Fiirst Munster-Derneburg, Mitglied des Herrenliauses. 
Graf VON Oppersdorff, Mitglied des Herrenliauses und des 

Reichstags, Berlin. 
Graf VON Posadowskt-Wehner. 
Dr. Walther Rathenau, Berlin. 
Viktor Herzog von Ratibor. 
Dr. Schmidt, Ministerialdirektor, Berlin. 
Prof. Dr. VON Schmoller, Berlin. 
Graf VON Schwerin-Lowitz, Prasident des Hauses der Abgeord- 

neten. 
WiLHELM VON SiEMENS, Berlin. 
Friedrich Fiirst zu Solms-Barttth. 
Max Warburg, Hamburg. 



Siegfried Wagner, Bayreuth. 

VON Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Berlin. 

Prof. Dr. WuNDT, Leipzig. 

Frau Geh. Kommerzienrat Goldberger, Berlin. 

Fiirstin Henckel von Donnersmarck. 

Herzogin von Ratibor. 

Frau Baronin Speck von Sternburg. 

Frau Staatsminister von Trott zu Solz. 



BOARD OF EDITORS: 

Paul Dehn, Scliriftsteller, Berlin. 

Dr. Drechsler, Direktor des Amerika-Instituts, Berlin. 

Matthias Erzberger, MitgKed des Reichstags, Berlin. 

Prof. Dr. Francke, Berlin. 

B. HuLDERMANN, Dircktor der Hamburg- Amerika-Linie, Ham- 
burg. 

Dr. Ernst Jackh, Berlin. 

D. Nautviann, Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. 

Graf VON Oppersdorff, Mitglied des preuiSischen Herrenhauses, 
Mitglied des Reichstags, Berlin. 

Graf ZTJ Reventlow, Scliriftsteller, Charlottenburg. 

Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dozen t an der Handelshochschule, Berlin. 

Dr. ScHACHT, Direktor der Dresdner Bank, Berlin. 



LISTEN, ALL YE PEOPLE! 

TRY to realise, every one of you, what we are going 
through! Only a few weeks ago, all of us were peace- 
fully following our several vocations. The peasant was 
gathering in this summer's plentiful crop, the factory 
hand was working with accustomed vigour. Not one human 
being amongst us dreamt of war. We are a nation that 
wishes to lead a quiet and industrious life. This need 
hardly be state^^ to you Americans. You, of all others, 
know the temper of the German who lives within your 
gates. Our love of peace is so strong that it is not regarded 
by us in the light of a virtue, we simply know it to be 
an inborn and integral portion of ourselves. Since the 
foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, we, 
living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of 
tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by 
any momentary difficulties of our neighbours. Our com- 
mercial extension, our financial rise in the world, is far 
removed from any love of adventure, it is the fruit of 
painstaking and plodding labour. 

We are not credited with this temper, because we are 
insufficiently known. Our situation and our way of thin- 
king is not easily grasped. 

Every one is aware that we have produced great philo- 
sophers and poets, we have preached the gospel of human- 
ity with impassioned zeal. America fully appreciates 



Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as corner-stones of 
elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have 
changed our natures, that our souls can be satisfied with 
military drill and servile obedience? We are soldiers, 
because we have to be soldiers, because otherwise Grermany 
and German civilisation would be swept away from the 
face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles 
to attain our independence, and we know full well, 
that in order to preserve it, we must not content ourselves 
with building schools and factories, we must look to our 
garrisons and forts. We and all our soldiers have re 
mained, however, the same lovers of music, and lovers of 
exalted thought. We have retained our old devotion to 
all peaceable sciences and arts; as all the world knows, 
we work in the foremost rank of all those who strive to 
advance the exchange of commodities, who further use- 
ful, technical knowledge. But we have been forced to 
become a nation of soldiers, in order to be free. And 
we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he symbo- 
lises and represents the unity of our nation. To-day, 
knowing no distinction of party, no difference of opinion, 
we rally around him, willing to shed the last drop of 
our blood. For though it takes a great deal to rouse us 
Germans, when once aroused, our feelings run deep and 
strong. Every one is filled with this passion, with the 
soldier's ardour. But when the waters of the deluge shall 
have subsided, gladly will we return to the j)lough, and 
to the anvil. 



It deeply distresses us to see two highly civilised 
nations, England and France, joining the onslaught of 
autocratic Russia. That this could happen, will remain 
one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault : we 
firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations 
working together, we peacably came to terms with France 
and England in sundry difficult African questions. There 
was no cause for war between Western Europe and us, 
no reason, why Western Europe should feel itself con- 
strained to further the power of the Czar. 

The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the 
instigator of the unspeakable horrors that are now in- 
undating Europe. But he bears before God and Posterity 
the responsibility of having allowed himself to be ^r- 
rorised by an unscrupulous military clique. 

Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon 
him, he has been the tool of others. He did not desire the 
brutalities in Finland, he did not approve of the iniquities 
of the Jewish Pogroms, but his hand was too weak to 
stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he 
not permit Austria to pacify her southern frontier? It 
was inconceivable that Austria should calmly see her 
heir apparent murdered. How could she? All the nation- 
alities under her rule realised the impossibility of tamely 
allowing Servia's only too evident and successful intrigues 
to be carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians 
could not allow their venerable and sorely stricken mon- 
arch to be wounded and insulted any longer. This rea- 



8 

sonable and honourable sentiment on the part of Austria 
has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of 
Servia, as the enemy of European thought and civilisation. 

Russia has an important mission to fulfil in its own 
country, and in Asia. It would do better in its own in- 
terest to leave the rest of the world in peace. But the die 
is cast, and all nations must decide whether they wish 
to further us by sentiments and by deeds, or the govern- 
ment of the Czar. This is the real significance of this 
appalling struggle, all the rest is immaterial. Russia's atti- 
tude alone has forced us to go to war with France, and 
with their great ally. 

The German nation is serious and conscientious. Never 
would a German government dare to contemplate a war 
for the sake of dynastic interest, or for the sake of glory. 
This would be against the entire bent of our character 
Firmly believing in the justice of our cause, all parties, 
the conservatives and the clericals, the liberals and the 
socialists, have joined hands. All disputes are forgotten, 
one duty exists for all, the duty of defending our country 
and vanquishing the enemy. 

Will not this calm self-reliant and unanimous readiness 
to sacrifice all, to die or to win, appeal to other nations 
and force them to understand our real character and the 
situation in which we are placed? 

The war has severed us from the rest of the world, 
all our cable communications are destroyed. But the 
winds will carry the mighty voice of justice even across 



the oceans. We trust in God, we have confidence in the 
judgement of right-minded men. And through the roar 
of battle, we call to you all. Do not believe the mischiev- 
ous lies that our enemies are spreading about! We do 
not know if victory will be ours, the Lord alone knows. 
We have not chosen our path, we must continue doing 
our duty, even to the very end. We bear the misery of war, 
the death of our sons, believing in Germany, believing 
in duty. 

And we know that Germany cannot be wiped from 
the face of the earth. 



HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT. 

Who is responsible for the war? — Not Germany! Eng- 
land's Policy ! Her shifting of responsibility and promo- 
ting the struggle while alone possessing power to avert it! 

IT is an old and common experience that after the out- 
break of a war the very parties and persons that wanted 
the war, either at once or later assert, that the enemy 
wanted and began it. The German empire especially al- 
ways had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and 
the very first days of the present terrible European war 
confirm again this old experience. Again Russian, French 
and British accounts represent the German empire as 
having wanted the war. 

Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers 
of Great Britain as well as of Paris could be heard to ex- 
press the opinion that nobody in Europe wanted war and 
that especially the German emperor and his government 
had sincerely and effectively been working for peace. Espe- 
cially the English government in the course of the last 
two years asserted frequently and publicly, and was sup- 
ported by the Westminster Gazette and a number of in- 
fluential English newspapers in the assertion, that Great 
Britain and the German empire during the Balkan crisis 
of the last few years had always met on the same platform 
for the preservation of peace. The late secretary of state 



1 1 

VON Kiderlen-Waechter, his successor, Mr. von Jagow, 
and the Imperial Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg like- 
wise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag, how great their 
satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic 
cooperation with Great Britain, especially in questions 
concerning the near East, had become a fact. And it has 
to be acknowledged to-day that at that time the German 
and British interests in the near East were identical or at 
any rate ran in parallel lines. 

The collapse of European Turkey in the war against 
the Balkan alliance created an entirely new situation. 
At first Bulgaria was victorious and great, then it was 
beaten and humiliated by the others with the intellectual 
help of Russia. There could be no doubt about Russia's 
intentions: she was preparing for the total subjection of 
weakened Turkey and for taking possession of the Dar- 
danelles and Constantinople in order to rule from this 
powerful position Turkey and the other Balkan states. 
Great Britain and the German empire which only had 
economic interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to 
strengthen Turkey besides trying to prevent the Mosco- 
vite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula. 

Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly 
strengthened and with her territory very much increased. 
Russia had done everything to strengthen this bitter 
enemy of our ally Austria-Hungary. For a great number 
of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned 
to undermine the south-eastern provinces of Austria- 



12 

Hungary and to separate them from the dual monarchy. 
In Servia as well as in Russia prevailed the opinion that, 
at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to pieces. 
In this case Servia was to receive South Austria and 
Russia was to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan 
war had ruined Turkey almost entirely, had paralized 
Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had strengthened the 
Balkan states that were hostile to Austria. At the same 
time there began in Roumania a Russian and French 
propaganda, that promised this country, if it should 
join the dual alliance, the Hungarian province of Sieben- 
buergen. 

Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria 
that at St. Petersburg first by diplomatic and political, 
then also by military action a comprehensive attack of 
Slavism under Russian guidance was being prepared. 
The party of the grand-dukes in St. Petersburg, the party 
of the Russian officers, always ready for war and the 
Panslavists, the brutal and unscrupulous representatives 
of the idea, that the Russian czarism was destined to rule 
Europe, — all these declared openly that their aim was 
the destruction of Austria-Hungary. In Russia the army, 
already of an immense size, was increased secretly but 
comprehensively and as quick as possible, in Servia the 
same was done, and the Russian ambassador in Belgrad, 
Mr. V. Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan war, the 
principal promotor of the plan to form against Austria 
a new Balkan alliance. In Bosnia during all this time, 



13 

the Servian propaganda was at work with high treason, 
and in the end with tlie revolver and the bomb. 

In Vienna and in Berlin, the greatness and the purpose 
of the new danger could not remain doubtful, especially 
as it was openly said in St. Petersburg, in Belgrad and 
elsewhere that the destruction of Austria-Hungary was 
imminent. As soon as the Balkan troubles began, Austria- 
Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army 
in readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians 
had mobilised on their frontiers. The Germans felt that 
what was a danger for their ally was also a danger for 
them and that they must do all in their power to main- 
tain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. 
They felt that this could only be done by keeping 
their ally perfect faith and by great military strength, 
so that Russia might possibly be deterred from war and 
peace be preserved, or else, that in case war was forced 
upon them, they could wage it with honor and success. 
Now it was clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian 
and Servian preparations Austria-Hungary in case of a 
war would be obliged to use a great part of her forces 
against Servia and therefore would have to send against 
Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under 
the conditions formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly 
even European Turkey could have been counted upon 
for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed very 
doubtful. These reasons and considerations which were 
solely of a defensive nature led to the great German mili- 



14 

tary bills of the last two years. Also Austria-Hungary 
was obliged to increase its defensive strength. 

Whoever considers carefully the course of events that 
has been briefly sketched here, will pronounce the asser- 
tion of our enemies that Germany wanted the war, ri- 
diculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said that 
Germany never before endeavoured more eagerly to pre- 
serve peace than during the last few years. Germany had 
plenty of opportunities to attack and good opportunities 
to boot, for we knew for years that the army of France 
was no more ready than that of Russia. But the Ger- 
mans are not a warlike nation and the German emperor, 
with his government, has always shown how earnestly 
he meant his re-iterated assertions, that the preservation 
of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by 
general considerations of humanity, justice and culture as 
well as by the consideration of the German trade and com- 
merce. This, especially the trans-oceanic commerce of Ger- 
many, has increased from year to year. War, however, 
means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany need- 
lessly to this terrible risk, especially as everything in Ger- 
many prospered and her wealth increased? No, the German 
army-bills were merely meant to protect us against, and 
prepare us for, the attacks of Moscovite barbarism. But 
nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that 
France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since 
the first days of the Franco-Russian alliance things have 
become entirely reversed : Then France wanted to win 



15 

Russia for a war of revenge against Germany ; now on 
the contrary France thought herself obliged to place her 
power and her existence at the disposal of the Russian 
lust of conquest. 

In the spring of 1 9 1 4 the German press reported from 
St. Petersburg detailed accounts of Russia's comprehen- 
sive preparations for war. They were not denied in Russia, 
and Paris declared that Russia would be ready in two or 
three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her 
power; France too would then be at the height of her 
power. If the German government had desired war, on 
the strength of these accounts which were true, it could 
have waged a preventive war at once and easily. It did 
not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is 
forced upon one by the enemy. Thus spring went by with 
the atmosphere at high tension. From St. Petersburg and 
Paris over-bearinp threats came in increasing numbers to 
the effect that the power of the dual alliance was now 
gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin 
to feel it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavoring 
with perseverance and with all our might to win over 
Great Britain to the policy of preserving peace. Colonial 
and economic questions were being discussed by the 
German and English governments, and the cordiality be- 
tween the two great powers seemed only to be equalled 
by their mutual confidence. 

Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assas- 
sination by Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hun- 



i6 

garian throne, Archduke Francis Ferdinand. The Greater- 
Servia propaganda of action had put aside the man who 
was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent 
of Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is 
the real cause of the present European war. Austria- 
Hungary was able to prove to a shuddering world a few 
days after the murder, that it had been prepared and 
planned systematically, yea that the Servian government 
had been cognizant of the plan. The immense extent of 
the Servian revolutionary organization in the provinces 
of southern Austria, the warlike spirit of the Servians 
and its instigation by Russia and France imposed upon 
the Vienna government the duty to insist upon quiet and 
peace within and without its borders. It addressed to the 
Servian government a number of demands which aimed 
at nothing but the suppression of the anti- Austrian 
propaganda. Servia was on the point of accepting the 
demand, when there arrived a dispatch from St. Peters- 
burg and Servia mobilised. Then Austria too had to act. 
Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. But a few days later, 
the Russian army was being mobilised, and the mobilisa- 
tion was begun also in France. At the same time, as 
the German White-book clearly proves, the diplomacy of 
Russia and France asserted its great love of peace and tried 
to prolong the negotiations in order to gain time, for, as is 
well known, the Russian mobilisation proceeds slowly. 
Germany was waiting, and again and again the German 
Emperor tried to win the Czar over to the preservation of 



17 

peace, for he considered him sincere and thought him his 
personal friend. Emperor William was to be cruelly 
disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim 
the state of war for Germany. But at that time the Russian 
and French armies were already in a state of complete 
mobilisation. At that time the London "Daily Graphic" 
wrote the following article which shows how an English 
paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany, judged 
of the situation at that time : 

The Mobilisation Mystery. 

A general mobilisation has been ordered in Russia, and Ger- 
inany has responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the 
Empire. We are now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and 
slippery ledge which still stands between Europe and the abyss of 
Armageddon. Will the Russian order be acted upon in the provinces 
-adjoining the German frontier ? If it is, then the work of the peace- 
makers it at an end, for Germany is bound to reply with a mobili- 
sation of her own armed forces, and a rush to the frontiers on aU 
sides must ensue. We confess that we are unable to understand the 
action of Russia in view of the resumption of the negotiations with 
Austria. It is not likely that these negotiations have been resumed 
imless both sides think that there is yet a chance of agreement, 
but if this is the case, why the mobilisation which goes far beyond 
the limits of necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat 
the eiforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? 
There may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter 
stands it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because It 
is calculated — we feel sure unjustly — to cast doubts on the loyalty 
and straightforwardness of the Russian Government. 

When Russia had let pass the time-limit set by Ger- 
many, when France had answered that she would act 



according to her own interests, then the Grerman Empire 
had to mobilise its army and go ahead. Before one German 
soldier had crossed the German frontier, a large number 
of French aeroplanes came flying into our country across 
the neutral territory of Belgium and Luxemburg without 
a word of warning on the part of the Belgian government. 
At the same time the German government learned that the 
French were about to enter Belgium. Then pur government 
with great reluctance had to decide upon requesting the 
Belgian government to allow our troops to march through 
its territory. Belgium was to be indemnified after the war, 
was to retain its sovereignty and integrity. Belgium pro- 
tested at the same time allowing, by an agreement with 
France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After 
all this and not till France and Belgium itself had broken 
the neutrality, our troops entered the neutral territory. 
Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but had to prevent 
that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into German 
territory. 

Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was 
Germany's conviction that the sincerity of Britain's love 
for peace could be trusted. At any rate Sir Edward Gkey 
and Mr. Asquith asserted again and again in the course 
of the last few years that England wished friendly rela- 
tions with Germany and never would lend its support to 
a Franco-Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack 
had been made; Germany was on the defensive against 
two powerful enemies. What would Great Britain do 



19 

about it? That was the question. Great Britain asked in 
return for its neutrality that the German forces should 
not enter Belgium. In other words, it asked, that Ger- 
many should allow the French and Belgian troops to form 
on Belgian territory for a march against our frontier! 
This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. 
The German government made Great Britain in return 
for its neutrality the following offers : we would not attack 
the northern coast of France, we would leave unmolested 
the maritime commerce of France and would indemnify 
Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and 
integrity. In spite of this Great Britain declared war on 
Germany and sides to-day with those continental powers that 
have united for our destructionj in order that Moscovite har- 
barism may rule Europe. We know that Germany did not 
deserve such treatment on the part of Great Britain, and 
do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a 
service to humanity and civilization. 

To-day we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight 
for her existence. She will fight, knowing that the great 
powers beyond the ocean will do her justice as soon as 
they know the truth. 



REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR. 

England, France and Russia, unthreatened by Germany, 
go to war for political reasons. — Germany defends her 
independence and fights for her very existence, for her 
future as a great power. — How a peaceful people weie 
imbued with the spirit of war. 

TFlHE last days of the month of July were days of 
JL anxiety and distress for the German people. They 
hoped that they would be permitted to preserve an honor- 
able peace. A few months earlier, in 191 3, when the 
centennial of the war for independence from French op- 
pression and the 25 th anniversary of Emperor William's 
ascent of the throne had been celebrated, they had wil- 
lingly taken upon their shoulders the great sacrifice of 
the so-called '' Wehrvorlage, " which increased the peace 
strength of the standing army enormously and cost 
one billion marks. They considered it simply as an in- 
crease of their peace insurance premium. Our diplomats 
worked hard for the maintenance of peace, for the localiza- 
tion of the Austrio-Servian war. So sure were the leading 
men of the Empire of the preservation of general peace 
that at the beginning of the week which was to bring 
general mobilization they said to each other joyfully: 
Next week our vacation time begins. But they were fvar- 
fully disappointed. Russia's unexpected, treacherous sno- 



2 I 

bilization compelled Germany to draw the sword also. 
On the evening of the first day of August the one word. 
Mobilisation! was flashed by the electric spark all over 
the country. There was no more anxiety and uncertainty. 
Cool, firm resolution at once permeated the entire Ger- 
man people. The Reichstag was called together for an 
extra session. 

Three days later, on the anniversary of the battles of 
Weissenburg and Spichern, the representatives of the 
German people met. This session, which lasted only a 
few hours, proved worthy of the great historical moment 
marking the beginning of such a conflagration as the 
world had never seen before. The railroad lines were 
under military control and used almost exclusively for 
purposes of mobilization. In spite of all such difficulties, 
more than 300 of the 397 deputies managed to get to 
Berlin in time. The rest sent word that they were unable 
to come. On the evening of August 3'*^ the Imperial Chan- 
cellor called the leaders of all parties, including the Social- 
ists, to his house and explained to them in a concise and 
impressive statement how frivolously Germany had been 
driven to war. At the time of this meeting the unanim- 
ous acceptance of aU war measures by the Reichstag was 
already assured. In numerous conferences the heads of 
the several departments explained the content and mean- 
ing of the bills to be submitted to the Reichstag. The 
participants of the conferences showed already what spirit 
would characterize the next day. The session of the 



22 

Reichstag filled the entire German nation with pride and 
enthusiasm ; the Reichstag maintained the dignity of the 
German Empire and the German people. 

In greater numbers than ever before the deputies, high 
officers of the army and navy and the civil government 
assembled on August 4th, first in houses of worship to 
pray to God, and then in the royal castle of Berlin. The 
military character of the ceremony at the opening of the 
session showed under what auspices this memorable act 
took place. The Kaiser entered the hall in the simple gray 
field uniform, without the usual pomp, unaccompanied by 
chamberlains and court officials and pages in glittering 
court dresses. Only state ministers, generals and admirals 
followed him to the throne, from where he read his speech, 
after covering his head with his helmet. His voice be- 
trayed the strain under which he was laboring. Re- 
peatedly he was interrupted by enthusiastic applause, and 
when he closed, a rousing cheer thundered through the 
famous White Hall, something that had never before oc- 
curred there since the erection of the old castle. Then 
came a surprise. The Emperor laid down the manuscript 
of his speech and continued speaking. From now on he 
knew only Germans, he said, no differences of party, creed, 
religion or social position, and he requested the party 
leaders to give him their hands as a pledge that they all 
would stand by him "m Not und Tod'' — in death and 
distress. This scene was entirely impromptu, and thus so 
much more impressive and touching. And it was hardly 



23 

over, when the Reichstag — a proceeding unheard of in 
such surroundings — began to sing the German national 
hymn: "Heil Dir im Siegerkranz." The magnificent hall, 
until then only the scene of pompous court festivities, 
witnessed an outburst of patriotism such as was never 
seen there before. To the accompaniment of loud cheers 
the Kaiser walked out, after shaking the hands of the 
Imperial Chancellor and the chief of the General Staff 

VON MOLTKE. 

One hour later the Reichstag met in its own house. 
The Emperor had begged for quick and thorough work. 
He was not to be disappointed. Without any formalities 
the presiding officers of the last session were reelected — 
in times of peace and party strife this would have been 
impossible. This short curtain raiser being over, the first 
act of the drama began. Before an overcrowded house 
the Chancellor described simply and clearly the efforts 
of the government for the preservation of peace. He 
stated cold facts showing unmistakably Russia's double 
dealing and justifying Germany's beginning of a war 
which she did not want. The Chancellor had begun in a 
quiet, subdued tone. Then he raised his voice and when, 
in words that rang through the hall, he declared that the 
entire nation was united, the deputies and the spectators 
in the galleries could sit still no longer. They rose, 
with them at first some socialists, then all of them, carried 
away by the impulse of the moment ; the members of the 
federal council, of the press, diplomats and the crowds 



24 

in the galleries joined them. The whole multitude 
cheered and clapped its hands frantically. It reflected 
truly the spirit of the whole nation. The speaker who^ 
under ordinary circumstances, would have supressed the 
clapping of hands as unparliamentary and the demon- 
strations of the galleries as undignified, let the patriotic 
outburst go on to its end. 

After a short intermission the business meeting began. 
Sixteen war measures had been introduced, the most im- 
portant of which was the one asking for five billion marks 
to carry on the war. The leader of the social democrats 
read a statement explaining why his party, despite it^ 
opposition on principle to all army and navy appropria- 
tions, would vote for the proposed bills. Without further 
debates all the bills were passed, and shortly after 5 P. M. 
the Reichstag adjourned. At 7 P.M. the Emperor received 
the presiding officers of the Reichstag to thank them for 
their prompt and useful work. He signed the bills, which 
were immediately published and thus became law. 

The resolute attitude and quick work of the Reichstag 
reflected the unity and resolution of the entire nation. 
Sixty seven millions of Germans feel, think and act with 
their elected representatives. No party, no class, no creed 
is standing back ; all are imbued with one single thought : 
United Germany is unconquerable. 

The entire German people are united as never before 
in their history. Even one hundred and one years ago, 
in 18 1 3, the entire population cannot have been so uni- 



25 

formly seized by the spirit of war as at the outbreak of 
this struggle, which is the people's war in the truest sense 
of the word, and which was predicted by Bismarck. 
All reigning princes are going out to fight with the army 
and have appointed their wives as regents. Instances in- 
clude the Kaiser's son-in-law, the Duke of Brunswick, who 
appointed his consort, the only daughter of the Emperor, 
as regent. The princes call their people to arms, and they 
themselves all stand ready to sacrifice all they have. This 
example from above carries the nation with them. The 
Reichstag knew parties and factions no more, and neither 
does the nation. The Emperor sounded the word which 
has become common property from Konigsberg to Con- 
stance, from Upper Silesia to the Belgian frontier: "I know 
only Germans !" And yet how terribly is our nation other- 
wise disrupted by party strife. Ill-advised persons across our 
frontiers hoped that creed differences would make for dis- 
union, Frenchmen and Russians expected to weaken our 
empire with the aid of Alsatians and Poles. This hope has 
been destroyed — we are a united people, as united as was 
the Reichstag, the Socialists included. The latter have for 
years voted against all army and navy appropriations, 
have advocated international peace, and last year voted 
against the bills increasing the army strength. In many 
foreign quarters strong hopes were nourished that this 
party would help them. But those men did not know 
our German people. Our civilization, our independence 
as a nation was threatened, and in that moment party 



26 

interest or creed existed no more. The true German 
heart is beating only for the Fatherland, east and west, 
north and south, Protestants, Catholics and Jews are "a 
united people of brethren in the hour of danger". When 
Germany was so threatened by Russia, when the German 
"Peace Emperor" was shamefully betrayed by the Czar 
of all the Russians, then there was but one sacred party 
in existence : The party of Germans. 



THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION. 

The clock-works of mobilization ; perfect order and quiet 

everywhere. General acceptance by all classes and factions 

of the necessities of a war not sought by Germany. 

ryiHE German mobilization was the greatest movement 
E of people that the world has ever seen. Nearly four 
million men had to be transported from every part of 
the empire to her borders. The manner in which the 
population is distributed made this task extremely diffi- 
cult. Berlin, Rhenish -Westphalia, Upper Silesia and 
Saxony especially had to send their contingents in every 
direction, since the eastern provinces are more thinly 
settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders 
immediately. The result was a hurrying to and fro of 
thousands and hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides 
a flood of civilians who had to reach their homes as soon 
as possible. Countries where the population is more re- 
gularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, 
with its predominating urban population. The difficulties 
of the gigantic undertaking were also increased by the 
necessity for transporting war materials of every sort. In 
the West are chiefly industrial undertakings, in the East 
mainly agricultural. Horse-raising is mostly confined to 
the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly 



28 

to East Prussia, and this province, the farthest away from 
France, had to send its best horses to the western border, 
as did also Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover. Coal for 
our warships had to go in the other direction. From the 
Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from Upper 
Silesia to the Baltic. Ammunition and heavy projectiles 
were transported from the central part of the empire to 
the borders. And everywhere these operations had to be 
carried on with haste. One can thus say that the German 
mobilization was the greatest movement of men and ma- 
terials that the world has ever seen. 

And how was it carried on? No one could have won- 
dered if there had been hundreds of unforeseen incidents, 
if military trains had arrived at their stations with great 
delays, if there had resulted in many places a wild 
huggermugger from the tremendous problems on hand. 
But there was not a trace of this. On the Monday eve- 
ning of the first week of mobilization a high officer of 
the General Staff said: "It had to go well to-day, but how 
about to-morrow, the main day?" Tuesday evening saw 
no reason for complaint, no delay, no requests for in- 
structions. All had moved with the regularity of clock- 
work. Regiments that had been ordered to mobilize in 
the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully 
equipped. Not a man was lacking. There were no de- 
serters, no shirkers, no cowards. Instead, there were 
volunteers whose numbers far exceeded the number that 
could be used. Every German wanted to do his duty. 



29 

The most noteworthy thing was the earnest quietness 
with which the gigantic gathering proceeded. Not a 
city, not a village reported unrest or even an untoward 
incident. The separation was hard for many a soldier. 
Many a volunteer tore himself away from his dear ones 
with bleeding heart, but with face beaming with the 
light of one who looks forward to victory. Following 
the Kaiser's wish, those who remained behind filled the 
churches and, kneeling, prayed to God for victory for 
the just German cause. The folk-war, brought on by the 
wantonness of the opponents, in itself brought peace and 
order, safety and discipline. Never, probably, have the 
police had fewer excesses to deal with than in the days 
of the mobilization, although great crowds gathered con- 
stantly in every city. 

The best criterion of the enthusiasm of the people is 
without doubt the number of volunteers. More than one 
million of these, a number greater than that of the stand- 
ing army, presented themselves within a few days. They 
came from all classes. There were sons of the nobility, 
university students, farmers, merchants, common labor- 
ers. No calling hung back. Every young man sorrowed 
when he was rejc'^ed No section of the Fatherland was 
unrepresented, not even the Reichsland Alsace-Lorraine, 
w^here, indeed, the number of volunteers was conspicu- 
ously great. When the lists in various cities had to be 
closed, the young men who had not been accepted turned 
away with tears in their eyes, and telegraphed from reg- 



30 

iment to regiment, hoping to find one where there were 
still vacancies. Where the sons of the wealthy renounced 
the pleasures of youth and the comforts of their homes 
to accept the hardships of war in serving the Fatherland, 
the poor and the poorest appeared in like degree. In 
families having four or five sons subject to military duty, 
a youngest son, not yet liable for service, volunteered. 
The year 1870, truly a proud year in our history, saw 
nothing like this. 

A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher 
was the appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, 
complete from head to foot. The first sight of these new 
uniforms of modest field-gray, faultlessly made, evoked 
everywhere the question: Where did they come from? 
On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manu- 
facturers appeared at the war ministry with offers of the 
new material. "We don't need any," was the astonishing 
reply. Equal amazement was caused by the faultless new 
boots and shoes of the troops, especially in view of the 
recentfamous "boot speech "ofthe French Senator Humbert. 

Small arms, cannons and ammunition are so plentiful 
that they have merely to be unpacked. In view of all 
this, it is no wonder that the regiments marching in were 
everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that those march- 
ing out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs. 
No one thinks of death and destruction, every one of 
victory and a happy reunion. German discipline, once so 
slandered, now celebrates its triumph. 



31 

There was still another matter in which the troops 
gave their countrymen cause for rejoicing. Not one drunken 
man was seen during these earnest days in the city streets. 
The General Staff had, moreover, wisely ordered that 
during the mobilization, when every one had money in 
his pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the 
railroad stations. Despite this, the soldiers did not lack 
for refreshments on their journey. Women and girls offered 
their services to the Red Cross and there was no station 
where coffee, tea, milk and substantial food were not at 
the disposal of the soldiers. They were not required to 
suffer hunger or any other discomfort. The German anti- 
alcoholists are rejoicing at this earnest tribute to their 
principles, which were at first laughed at and then pitied, 
but triumphed in the days of the mobilization. 

The army is increased to many times its ordinary 
strength by the mobilization. It draws from everywhere 
millions of soldiers, workmen, horses, wagons and other 
material. The entire railway service is at its disposal. 
The mobilization of the jleet goes on more quietly and 
less conspicuously, but not less orderly and smoothly. 
Indeed, it is, even in peace times, practically mobilized 
as to its greatest and strongest units. For this reason its 
transports are smaller than those of the army, they are 
concentrated in a few harbors, and therefore do not 
attract so much public attention. The naval transports, 
working according to plans in connection with those of 
the army, have moved their quotas of men and materials 



with the most punctual exactitude. The naval reserve of 
fully trained officers and men is practically inexhaustible. 
The faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns, carried 
on uninterruptedly day and night under plans carefully 
prepared in time of peace, has wrought for our navy a 
strong increase in powerful warships. 

As is known, the Gemian fleet is built on the so-called 
^'assumption-of-risk" plan. That is, it is intended that it 
shall be so strong that even the strongest sea power, in 
a conflict with the Germans, risks forfeiting its former 
role as a world factor. This "risk" idea has been ham- 
mered into the heart of every German seaman, and they 
are all eager to win for the fleet such glory that it can 
be favorably contrasted with the deeds of the old and 
the new armies. 

Contrary to general expectation, the German fleet has 
taken the offensive, and the first loss of the war was on 
the English side and in English waters, the English crui- 
ser Amphion running on to German mines in the mouth 
of the Thames. In the Baltic and the Mediterranean also 
German ships have taken the offensive against the ene- 
mies' coast, as is shown by the bombardment by the Ger- 
mans of the war harbor of Libau and of fortified landing 
places on the Algerian coast. 

Thus the fleet, confiding in the "risk" idea now proved 
to be true, and in its earnest and courageous spirit, may 
look forward with confidence to coming events. 



$5 

But will not civilians have to hunger and thirst in 
these days? That is an earnest question. The answer is. 
No. Even in Berlin, city of millions, the milk supply did 
not fail for a day. Infants will not have to bear the priva- 
tions of war. All provisions are to be had at reasonable 
prices. Empire, municipalities and merchants are working 
successfully together to insure that there shall be a suf- 
ficient food supply at not too great a cost. Not only is our 
great army mobilized, but the whole people is mobilized, 
and the distribution of labor, the food question and the 
care of the sick and wounded are all being provided for. 
The whole German people has become a gigantic war 
camp, all are mobilized to protect Kaiser, People and 
Fatherland, as the closing report of the Reichstag put it. 
And all Germany pays the tribute of a salute to the chiefs 
of the army and navy, who work with deeds, not words. 



ARMY AND NAVY. 

The German Army and Navy on the Watch. Four Million 

German Men in the Field. Thousands of Volunteers join 

the Colors to fight for Germany's Existence, among them 

the Flower of her Scientific and Artistic Life. 

THERE can be no greater contrast than that between 
the United States and Germany m one of the most 
important questions of existence with which a state is 
confronted. In its whole history the United States has 
never had a foreign, hostile force of invaders upon its 
territory, foreign armies have never laid waste its fields. 
Until late in the last century, however, Germany was 
the battlefield for the then most powerful nations of Eu- 
rope. The numerous German states and provinces, too, 
fought among themselves, often on behalf of foreign 
powers. The European great powers of that day were 
able, unhindered and unpunished, to take for themselves 
piece after piece of German territory. In the United Sta- 
tes, on the other hand, it was years before the steadily 
increasing population attained to the boundaries set for 
it by nature. 

Our Bismarck was finally able, in the years from 1864 
to 1 87 1, to create a great empire from the many small 
German states. As he himself often remarked, however, 
this was possible only because his policies and diplomacy 



35 

rested upon and were supported by a well trained and 
powerful army. How the German Empire came into 
being at that time is well known. A war was necessary 
because of the fact that the then so powerful France did 
not desire that North and South Germany should unite. 
She was not able to prevent this union, was defeated 
and had to give back to us two old German provinces 
which she had stolen from the Germans. The old Field 
Marshal von Moltke said not long after the war of 1 8 70-7 i 
that the Germans would still have to defend Alsace- 
Lorraine for fifty years more. Perhaps he little realized 
how prophetic his words were, but he and those who 
followed him, the German emperors and the German war 
ministers, prepared themselves for this coming defensive 
struggle and unremittingly devoted their attention to the 
German army. 

From 1887 on there had been no doubt that in the 
event of war with France we should have to reckon also 
with Russia. This meant that the army must be strong 
enough to be equal to the coming fight on two borders — a 
tremendous demand upon the resources of a land when 
one considers that a peaceful peo]3le, devoted to agriculture, 
industry and trade, must live for decades in the constant 
expectation of being obliged, be it tomorrow, be it in ten 
years, to fight for its life against its two great military 
neighbors simultaneously. There are, moreover, the great 
money expenditures, and also the burden of universal 
military service, which, as is well known, requires every 

3* 



|6 

able-bodied male German to serve a number of years with 
the colors, and later to hold himself ready, first as a re- 
servist, then as member of the Landwehr, and finally as 
member of the Landsturm, to spring to arms at the call 
of his supreme war lord, the German Emperor. A warlike, 
militant nation would not long have endured such condi- 
tions, but would have compelled a war and carried it through 
swiftly. As Bismarck said, however, the German army, 
since it is an army of the folk itself, is not a weapon 
for frivolous aggression. Since the German army, when 
it is summoned to war, represents the whole German 
people, and since thewhole German people is peaceably dis- 
posed, it follows that the army can only be a defensive or- 
ganization. If war comes, millions of Germans must go to 
the front, must leave their parents, their families, their 
children. They must. And this ''must" means not only 
the command of their Emperor, but also the necessity to 
defend their own land. Did not this necessity exist, these 
sons, husbands and fathers would assuredly not go gladly 
to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those 
who stayed at home would not rejoice so enthusiastically 
to see them go as we Germans have seen them rejoicing 
in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that the German 
army is a weapon which can be and is used only for 
defense against foreign aggressions. When these aggres- 
sions come, the whole German people stands by its army, 
as it does now. 



37 

The German army is divided into 25 corps in times of 
peace. In war-times reservists, members of the Landwehr, 
and occasionally also of the Landsturm are called to the 
colors. The result is that the German army on a war 
footing is a tremendously powerful organ. 

Our opponents in foreign countries have for years con- 
sistently endeavored to awaken the belief that the Ger- 
man soldier does his obligatory service very unwillingly, 
that he does not get enough to eat and is badly treated. 
These assertions are false, and anybody who has seen in 
these weeks of mobilization how our soldiers, reservists 
and Landwehr men departed for the field or reported at 
the garrisons, anybody who has seen their happy, en- 
thusiastic and fresh faces, knows that mishandled men, 
men who have been drilled as machines, cannot present 
such an appearance. 

On the day the German mobilization was ordered we 
traveled with some Americans from the western border 
to Berlin. These Americans said: "We do not know 
much about your army, but judging by what we have 
seen in these days, there prevails in it and all its arrange- 
ments such system that it must win. System must win 
every time." In this saying there is, indeed, much of 
truth — order and system are the basis upon which the 
mighty organization of our army is built. 

Now a word concerning the German officer. He, too, 
has been much maligned, he is often misunderstood by 
foreigners, and yet we believe that the people of the 



38 

United States in particular must be able to understand the 
German officer. One of the greatest sons of free America, 
Geokge Washington, gave his countrymen the advice to 
select only gentlemen as officers, and it is according to 
this principle that the officers of the German army and 
navy are chosen. Their selection is made moreover upon 
a democratic basis, in that the officers' corps of the various 
regiments decide for themselves whether they will or will 
not accept as a comrade the person whose name is proposed 
to them. 

One sees that the German army is not, as many say, 
a tremendous machine, but rather a great, living organism, 
which draws its strength and lifeblood from all classes of 
the whole German folk. The German army can develop its 
entire strength only in a war which the people approves, 
that is, when a defensive war has been forced upon them. 
That this is true, will have been realized by our friends 
in the United States before this comes into their hands. 

The German fleet is in like manner a weapon of defense. 
It was very small up to the end of the last century, but 
has since then been consistently built up according to 
the ground principles which Mr. Roosevelt has so often 
in his powerful manner laid down for the American fleet. 
The question has often been asked, what is there for the 
German fleet to defend, since the German coastline is so 
short? The answer is that the strength of a fleet must not 
be made to depend upon the length of coastlines, but upon 
how many ships and how much merchandise go out from 



39 

and enter the harbors, how great over-sea interests there 
are, how large the colonies are and how they are situated, 
and finally, how strong the sea powers are with which Ger- 
many may have to carry on a war and how they are situated. 
To meet all these requirements there is but one remedy, 
namely, either that our fleet shall be strong enough to 
prevent the strongest sea power from conducting war 
against us, or that, if war does come, it shall be able so 
to battle against the mightiest opponent that the latter 
shall be seriously weakened. 

Germany, as especially the Americans know, has be- 
come a great merchant marine nation, whose colonies 
are flourishing. Furthermore, since the land's growing 
population has greatly increased its strength in the course 
of the last years, the mistrust and jealousy of Great Brit- 
ain have in particular been directed steadily against the 
development of our ocean commerce, and later of our 
navy. To the upbuilding of the German navy were as- 
cribed all manner of plans — to attack Great Britain, to 
make war on Japan, etc. It was even declared by the 
English press that Germany Intended to attack the United 
States as soon as its fleet was strong enough. To-day, 
when Great Britain has needlessy declared war upon us, 
the Americans will perhaps believe that our fleet was 
never planned or built for an attack on any one. Germany 
desired simply to protect its coasts and its marine in- 
terests in the same manner in which it protects its land 
boundaries. It is realized in the United States as well as 



40 

here that a fleet can be powerful only when it has a suf- 
ficient number of vessels of all classes, and when it is 
thoroughly and unremittingly schooled in times of peace. 
We have tried to attain this ideal in Germany, and it 
may be remarked that the training of the personnel re- 
quires greater efforts here, since the principle of universal 
service is also applied to the fleet, with a resulting short 
term of service, whereas all foreign fleets have a long 
term of enlistment. 

The nominal strength of the German fleet is regulated 
by statute, as is also the term — twenty years — at the 
expiration of which old vessels must automatically be 
replaced by new ones. This fleet-strength is set at 
41 line-of-battle ships, 20 armored cruisers and 40 small 
cruisers, besides 144 torpedoboats and 72 submarine 
vessels. These figures, however, have not been reached. 
To offset this fact, however, almost the whole German 
fleet has been kept together in home waters. Great 
Britain's fleet is much stronger than ours, but despite this, 
the German fleet faces its great opponent with coolness 
and assurance and with that courage and readiness to 
undertake great deeds that mark those who know that 
their land has been unjustifiably attacked. It is utterly 
incorrect to say, as has been said, that the German naval 
officers are filled with hatred for other navies, especially 
for the British. On the contrary, the relations between 
German and English officers and men have always been 
good, almost as good as those of the Germans with the 



41 

American officers. It is not personal hatred that inspires 
our officers and men with the lust for battle, but their 
indignation over the unprovoked attack and the realiza- 
tion that, if every one will do his best for the Fatherland 
in this great hour, it will not be in vain even against 
the greatest naval power. We, too, are confident of this, 
for strenuous and faithful effort always has its reward, and 
this is especially true of our fleet organization. The 
United States realizes this as well as we, for it, too, has 
built up a strong and admirably trained fleet by pro- 
digious labor. As is the case with the German fleet, the 
American navy also is not built for aggression, but for 
defense. 



THE ATTITUDE OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES. 

Germany overrun by Spies for years past. 

IT goes without saying that in time of war the respect- 
ive participants seek to gain for themselves every 
possible advantage, including, as not the least of these 
advantages, that of having public opinion on their side. 
It is equally understandable that governments, for political 
or military reasons, often endeavor to conceal their real 
intentions until the decisive moment. In this matter, 
however, as in the conduct of war itself, there exists the 
basic principle, acknowledged throughout the civilized 
world, that no methods may be employed which could 
not be employed by men of honor even when they are 
opponents. One cannot, unfortunately, acquit Russia of 
the charge of employing improper policies against Ger- 
many. It must, unfortunately, be said that even the Czar 
himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against 
Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne 
which he had formerly been believed by every one to be. 
The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser 
William in moving and friendly expressions, in which, 
pledging his solemn word and appealing to the grace of 
God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak 
of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between 



43 

Austria-Hungary and Germany an ancient and firm alli- 
ance, which makes it the duty of both governments to 
afford unconditional support to each other in the moment 
that either one's vital interests come into question. There 
can be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary 
is threatened by the Servian agitation. Despite this, the 
German Emperor, in offering his final counsels respecting 
the treatment of Servia and the concessions to be made 
to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point 
where Austria could have had doubts of Germany's fidelity 
to the obligations of the alliance. Nevertheless, Russia at 
this very time not only continued its mobilization against 
Austria, but also simultaneously brought its troops into 
a state of preparedness for war against Germany. It is 
impossible that this could have been done without the 
order of the Czar. The conduct of the Russian minister 
of foreign affairs, of the chief of the general staff and of 
the war minister was of a piece with this attitude of the 
ruler. They assured the German ambassador and the 
German military attache upon their word of honor that 
troops were not being mobilized against Germany and 
that no attack upon Germany was planned. The facts, 
however, have proved that the decision to make war upon 
Germany had already been reached at that time. 

The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief ad- 
visers to employ such base tactics with the help of their 
word of honor and appeals to the Supreme Being is plain. 
Russia requires a longer time for mobilization than Ger- 



44 

many. In order to offset this advantage, to deceive Ger- 
many and to w^in a few days' start, the Russian govern- 
ment stooped to a course of conduct as to which there 
can be but one judgment among brave and upright 
opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German 
Emperor's love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned 
upon in the whole despicable game. Fortunately the 
plan was perceived on the German side at the right 
time. Advices received by Germany's representative in 
St. Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization 
against Germany moved him to add to the report given 
him upon the Russian word of honor a statement of his 
own conviction that an attempt was obviously being made 
to deceive him. We find also that the character of the 
Russian operations had been rightly comprehended by so 
unimpeachable an organ as the English "Daily Graphic" 
of August I St, which said: "If the mobilization order is 
also carried through in theprovincesborderingon Germany, 
the work of the preservers of peace is ended, for Germany 
will be compelled to answer with the mobilization of her 
armed forces. We confess that we are unable to under- 
stand this attitude of Russia in connection with the renewal 
of the negotiations with Austria." 

It is customary among civilized nations that a formal 
declaration of war shall precede the beginning of hosti- 
lities, and all powers, with the exception of some un- 
important, scattered states, have obligated themselves 
under international law to observe this custom. Neither 



45 

Russia nor France has observed this obligation. Without 
a declaration of war Russian troops crossed the German 
border, opened fire on Germans troops and attempted to 
dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner, without 
a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above 
unfortified cities in South Germany and sought, by throw- 
ing bombs, to destroy the railways. French detach- 
ments crossed the German border and occupied German 
villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland 
and the then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans 
against the lower Rhine district of Germany. A con- 
siderable number of French officers, disguised in German 
uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch-German frontier in an 
automobile in order to destroy institutions in German 
territory. It is plain that both France and Russia desired 
to compel Germany to make the first step in declaring 
war, so that the appearance of having broken the peace 
might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon Germany. 
The Russian government even attempted to disseminate 
through a foreign news agency the report that Germany 
had declared war on Russia, and it refused, contrary to 
the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be tele- 
graphed the report of the German ambassador that Russia 
had rejected the final German note concerning war and 
peace. 

Germany for its part, in the hope that peace might yet 
be maintained, subjected itself to the great disadvantage 
of delaying its mobilization in the first decisive days in 



46 

the face of the measures of its probable enemy. When, 
however, the German Emperor realized that peace was 
no longer possible, he declared war against France and 
Russia honorably, before the beginning of hostilities, thus 
bringing into contrast the moral courage to assume the 
responsibility for the beginning of the conflict as against 
the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of 
public opinion was such that they did not dare openly 
to admit their intentions to attack Germany. 

Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper 
manner at the outbreak of the war for those non-combat- 
ant subjects of hostile states — traveling salesmen, travel- 
ers for pleasure, patients in health resorts, etc. — who 
happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated 
cases, where the excitement of the public grew disquiet- 
ing, the authorities immediately intervened to protect 
persons menaced. In Russia, however, in France and 
especially in Belgium the opposite of decency and hu- 
manity prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of national 
antipathy and of national conflicting interests to the 
decision of the battlefield, the French mishandled in the 
most brutal manner the German population and German 
travelers in Paris and other cities, who neither could nor 
wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to 
leave the hostile country at once. The mob threatened 
and mishandled Germans in the streets, in the railway 
stations and in the trains, and the authorities permitted it. 



47 

The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all 
description. Germany would have exposed itself to the 
danger of a military defeat if it had still respected the 
neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced that 
strong French detachments stood ready to march through 
that country against the advancing German army. The 
Belgium government was assured that its interests would 
be conscientiously guarded if it would permit the German 
army to march through its territory. Its answer to this 
assurance was a declaration of war. In making this de- 
claration it acted perhaps not wisely, but unquestionably 
within its formal rights. It was, howewer, not right, but, 
on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right, that the 
eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged 
out, and their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and 
persons carrying the wounded were shot at from houses. 

Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plun- 
dered, German women were dragged naked through the 
streets by the mob and shot to death before the eyes of 
the police and the militia. Captains of captured German 
ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not 
guarantee their lives. German tourists were robbed of 
their baggage, insulted and mishandled, sick persons 
were driven from the German hospital, children were 
thrown from the windows of German homes into the 
streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports 
of all these occurrences, from respectable and responsible 
men, are at hand. We perceive with the deepest in- 



48 

dignation that the cruelties of the Congo have been 
outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass 
that in time of war among nations the laws of hu- 
manity respecting the helpless and the unarmed, the 
women and children, are no longer observed, the world 
is reverting to barbarism. Even in wartimes humanity 
and honor should still remain the distinguishing marks 
of civilization. That French and Russians, in their endeav- 
ors to spy upon Germany and destroy her institutions, 
should disguise themselves in German uniforms is a sad 
testimony to the sense of honor possessed by our oppon- 
ents. He who ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile 
land, or secretly to plant bombs, realizes that he risks 
the penalty of death, whether he be a civilian or a mem- 
ber of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not 
been customary to use a uniform, which should be re- 
spected even by the enemy, to lessen the personal risk 
of the spy and to facilitate his undertaking. 

For a number of years there have been increasing in- 
dications that France, Russia and England were system- 
atically spying upon the military institutions of Germany. 
In the eight years from 1 906 to 1 9 1 3 , 113 persons were 
found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of 
a grave nature. The methods employed by these spies 
included theft, attacks upon military posts and the 
employment of German officers' uniforms as dis- 
guises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon 
the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. 



49 

This espionage was directed from central points in foreign 
countries, often in the small neighboring neutral states. 
Repeatedly it appeared that the foreign embassies and 
consulates in Germany assisted in this work ; it was also 
discovered that Russia, France and England were ex- 
changing reports which they had received concerning 
Germany's means of defense. 

This espionage system was supported with large funds. 
It endeavored whenever possible to seduce military per- 
sons and officials to betray their country, and, when 
this was not possible, it devoted its attention to doubtful 
characters of every sort. It began its work with petty 
requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with 
inducements to violations of duty, and then proceeded 
with threats of exposure to compel its victims to be- 
tray their country further. Exact instructions, complete 
in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the 
carrying on of their work; they were equipped with 
photographic apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged 
passes, etc. ; they received fixed monthly salaries, special 
bonuses for valuable information, and high rewards 
for especially secret matters, such as army orders, de- 
scriptions of weapons and plans of fortifications. Prin- 
cipal attention was paid to our boundaries, railroads, 
bridges and important buildings on lines of traffic, which 
were spied upon by specially trained men. With the 
reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have 
carefully planned the destruction of the important German 



50 

lines of communication. The extraordinary watchfulness 
of the German military officials immediately before the 
declaration of war and since then has been able to render 
futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our 
means of communication in every single instance, but a 
great number of such attempts have been made. All these 
things prove beyond doubt that a war against Grermany 
has long been planned by our opponents. 



GERMANY, ENGLAND, AND THE NEU- 
TRALITY OF BELGIUM. 

THERE is no question that there would have been ample 
opportunity for English diplomacy to secure guaran- 
tees from us that after our victory England's interests in 
their most essential and vital points would be assured. 
On condition of course, that the English expressed their 
readiness to recognize us as an equal power. But England 
could not make up her mind to this. She replied with 
subterfuges and refusals to the repeated and urgent re- 
quests of the German government to state the terms of 
her neutrality. To the direct question whether England 
would remain neutral in case Germany respected Belgiai^ 
neutrality, Mr.GREY gave an ambiguous and evasive answer. 

Under these circumstances it would have been out of 
the question for us to abandon our march through Belgium. 
MoreoA^er, we learned that a French army was preparing 
to advance into Belgium. The German Chancellor was 
therefore perfectly right when he described the principle 
of Belgian neutrality as nothing but a scrap of paper. 

England would never have thought of championing 
the cause of Belgium's neutrality if France, instead of 
Germany, had violated it. It is laughable when English- 
men speak of the sacredness of any declaration of neu- 
trality. In the year 1 807 Denmark was a neutral state, and 
yet, although in time of peace, the Danish fleet was seized. 
This is a typical example of the observance or non-observ- 



52 

ance of the neutrality of small States which, for special 
reasons, are important to mighty belligerent powers. 
Denmark had remained neutral at the outbreak of the 
so-called third War of Coalition against France. Austria 
and Russia on the continent, and England on the sea 
fought against Napoleon. For England it was of vital 
importance that Napoleon should not acquire the posses- 
sion of a sea power which would enable him to protect 
the transportation of an army of invasion to England. 
The Danish fleet was a considerable power for those days, 
and as the possibility existed that Napoleon would force 
Denmark, as he had forced Spain, to place her fleet at 
his disposal, the English government sent an ultimatum 
to Denmark which required that Denmark should con- 
clude an alliance and place her fleet at England's dis- 
posal, otherwise force would be used. Denmark refused, 
and the English thereupon bombarded Copenhagen for 
four days, from September 2^"^ to the 5*^ 1807, and took 
the whole Danish fleet off with them to England. It was 
characteristic of English methods that a verbose manifesto 
was published simultaneously, to the effect that the mea- 
sure was not caused by enmity to Denmark, but in the 
interest of peace and humanity, in other words, to destroy 
the possibility of an attack by Napoleon, the disturber of 
the peace, on England, the guardian of liberty. 

It is instructive to compare this violation of Danish neu- 
trality by England, with the violation of Belgian neutra- 
lity by Grermany. England acted in the interest of her 



53 

safety against the impendig French attack. Germany has 
acted in the Belgian question not only in the interest of 
her safety but of her existence. The German nation is 
involved in a war on two frontiers against France and 
against Russia. This struggle can only be brought to a 
successful issue by overcoming first one power with all 
our strength and then the other. A division of the Ger- 
man army, with one half against France and the other 
against Russia, would not give her sufficient strength to 
win the victory on either side. Nor could the Austrian 
alliance be of any help, for the Russian western battle- 
front is so long, and the Russian army so large, that Ger- 
many and Austria-Hungary might be attacked at the same 
time. We must therefore conduct our fight in the east 
with an inferior force, on the defensive, keeping the enemy 
in play, while on the other side every effort must be made 
with the greatest energy. 

Russia mobilizes slowly and needs much time for her 
advance ; France on the contrary, is equal to Germany in 
the rapidity of her mobilization. But the German-French 
frontier is only several hundred miles long, a considerable 
stretch of which is occupied by the mountainous barrier 
of the Vosges, which makes all extensive military opera- 
tions difficult. The entire stretch of open country opposite 
the boundary-line has for decades been put into such a 
state of defense by the French that it would be very diffi- 
cult to achieve a decisive victory without undue delay. If 
the German army is to be victorious against the French 



54 

army before the immense multitudes of Russia throw them- 
selves on Germany from the east, then the line of frontal 
attack against France must be lengthened at any cost. Only 
then can she outflank France and force her to yield. But 
that is impossible without the approach through Belgium. 
For that reason the German government demanded that 
Belgium should permit the peaceful passage of her armies. 

If Germany had acquiesced in England's demand that 
Belgian neutrality should be respected, France's power of 
i-esistance would have been greatly augmented. The Ger- 
man troops would have suffered great loss of time and 
immense sacrifice of life before the formidable positions 
of the French in Lorraine. In modern warfare it is almost 
impossible to take well fortified and strongly defended 
positions by frontal attack. Therefore Russia would have 
gained time to complete her advance, and a Russian army 
of millions would have invaded Germany while the main 
German forces were engaged against France. The result 
of the war must in such a case have been disastrous for 
Germany. The best she could have hoped for would have 
been a treaty of peace on the grounds of common ex- 
haustion. 

Such a result of the "world war" would of course be 
in England's interest. Nevertheless, if Germany should by 
immeasurable sacrifices succeed in overcoming the French 
ill due time, England would still have had the resource 
of intervention in readiness, that is, through her alliance 
with France and Russia, against a weakened Germany. 



55 

And there is no doubt about it that England would not 
have hesitated to use this means as soon as it seemed to 
further her interests. But English interest in regard to 
Germany was expressed long ago in that celebrated article 
in the London weekly "Saturday Review": ^^ Commercial 
jealousy will finally create out of innumerable petty differences 
the greatest war that the world has ever seen. If Germany 
were exterminated to-morroWj there would not be an English- 
man in the world who would not be the richer for it. Nations 
have fought for years for a city or a succession, — must they 
not carry on a war for an annual trade of 5 milliards of 
marksT' 

Since the writing of these words in 1897, the trade of 
Germany, which constitutes the object of English rivalry, 
has more than doubled, and the English threat applies 
even more fitly to the present time. The abandonment 
of the advance through Belgium would not have preserved 
Germany from sooner or later being confronted with Eng- 
land as an enemy ; but the restriction of the German offen- 
sive to Lorraine would have resulted in the most serious 
military disadvantages and caused the loss of countless 
human lives. The French troops were on the Belgian- 
French frontier ready to advance against the right flank 
of the German army. French officers were already in 
Liege when the attack of the German advance-guard took 
place. According to recent French newspapers there were 
quantities of English artillery ammunition stored as early 
as the year 1 9 1 3 in Maubeuge, a French fort on the Bel- 



56 

gian frontier. The English guns are of a different calibre 
from that of the French. It is to be seen therefore from 
the laying of this depot that the landing of English troops 
in France had been planned, also their operation in con- 
junction with the French from the Belgian frontier. More- 
over we remember that English officers themselves ad- 
mitted in confidence that in 1 9 1 1 , during the Morocco 
crisis, the plan was discussed by England and France (in 
the event of a war with Germany) of sending an English 
auxiliary army to force its way into the Schelde past 
Flushing, land in Antwerp, and advance against the Ger- 
man army through Belgium. England herself therefore, 
had no idea of respecting Belgium's neutrality if her 
interest in the military conquest of Germany required a 
violation of her guarantee. If there had been the cer- 
tainty, or CA^en only a probability that England, as an 
equivalent for the integrity of Belgium, would have re- 
mained as neutral as in 1870-71 (when she, as is well- 
known, supported the French by furnishing them with 
ammunition and supplies), the Belgian question would 
have had quite a different aspect for Germany. Such a 
certainty, however, did not exist, and there was no alter- 
native but to demand a free passage. 

Nevertheless the German government offered the Bel- 
gian government before the advance, and after the con- 
quest of Liege, the full guarantee that the territory and 
the independence of Belgium should remain the same after 
the war as before it. Belgium preferred to decline this 



57 

loyal offer and to settle the difference by force of arms. 
No one regretted this necessity more than the German 
government, but we repeat : in the march through Belgium 
lay Germany's only means of conquering the French so 
promptly that after the victory in the west the approaching 
Russian superior forces could be successfully repulsed. 
The result of the war, the destiny of Germany, the fu- 
ture of Germanic culture in central Europe all depended 
on this Belgian question. 



LOUVAIN AND THE BELGIAN ATROCITIES. 

WHAT must be one's first concern upon invading a 
foreign country? The French Minister of Finance, 
Cambon, asked this question at the end of the year 1792, 
when the French decided to set the Belgians free. His 
answer was: "To take possession of the enemies' pro- 
perty as security for the payment of the cost of the war." 

The French conducted themselves according to this 
rule and placed mider their own protection all public 
property of the state, of the municipalities and of corpo- 
rations. That is to say, they stole it. They confiscated 
property of religious bodies and charitable endowments, 
cut down forests, etc. The rabble, eager to plunder, and 
greedy commercial adventurers assisted in this work. 

It was in vain that the Belgians protested. The re- 
presentatives of the inhabitants of Hainault said: "You 
have seized the property of our state, and even our pri- 
vate property. Not even our former despots dared to go 
that far when they declared us to be rebels. And you 
say that you are bringing us freedom!" 

Different from the conduct of the French friends and 
liberators of the Belgians in 1 7 9 2 was the conduct of the 
Oerman troops when, at the beginning of the great war 
of 1 9 1 4, they were compelled, in order to carry on the 
campaign against France according to the demands of the 



59 

strategic exigencies, to force their way through Belgium. 
Private property remained untouched. There was no- 
where any looting or robbing. The commanding officers 
spared even public property so long as no resistance was 
offered. 

In Luxemburg the government and the people wisely 
submitted to military necessities. The Luxemburgers were 
not friendly to Germany, but they have become so since 
they have observed how the allegedly cruel but in reality 
good-hearted German troops conduct themselves. Not a 
Luxemburger has suffered injury or loss. 

But the Belgians were misled. The responsible states- 
men at least should have taken to heart the experiences 
of history. When the French liberators of 1792 kept on 
plundering and robbing, the Belgians revolted in 1798 
in the hope of English assistance. And the English, it 
is true, did land troops, but only to destroy the costly 
locks of the Bruges Canal. The Belgians appear unfortu- 
nately to have forgotten what their land has had to suffer 
under the French greed for domination and for robbery 
and the selfishness and faithlessness of the English. 

The Belgians are to be pitied. For years they had been 
letting themselves be incited to a fanatical hatred against 
the German Empire and the Germans. They believed 
blindly all the insinuations, calumnies and accusations 
brought against Germany by the French newspapers — 
whose venality was proved in the Panama Canal scandal 
process — and repeated by the Belgian press, French the- 



6o 

atrical pieces, French films, French cabarets, etc. The 
German officer was pictured as a spy and a ravisher of 
women, the German soldiers appeared as brutes in the 
form of men, the German Empire as an inciter of war, as 
the « German octopus », with mighty tentacles, as the 
land of reaction, arrogance and uncouthness. The Belgian 
press took part in this Parisian campaign of libels, and 
the Belgian government, on account of its relations with 
France, in violation of its neutrality, bears a part of the 
blame. 

The seed of hatred and contempt thus sown was de- 
stined to bear a frightful crop. 

In many places the population was sensible, at first even 
in Liege. A report to a Belgian paper from that city says : 

The Germans comport themselves quietly; they pay cash for what 
they need. However, strong proclamations have been issued. All the 
public buildings of the city have been occupied by the German troops, 
including the buildings of the university and the schools. No troops, 
however, have been billeted upon the inhabitants. Belgian flags still 
fly everywhere ; one sees no German flags. One charming detail is re- 
ported. The doves that have their nests on the old bishop's palace are 
accustomed to being fed on one corner of the square in front of the 
palace. The Germans have not molested this corner, although they 
have occupied all the rest of the square. 

A Dutch eye-witness confirmed this report of German 

discipline. He wrote: 

Women and children arriving in Maastricht from Liege praise the 
conduct of the German troops. If the inhabitants show themselves 
friendly and peaceful, the German soldiers treat them with the same 
friendliness. Many soldiers give the children chocolate and give cigars 
and cognac to the men. In order to anticipate the slanderous accu- 



6i 

sation that the chocolate is poisoned, they first break oif a piece and 
eat it themselves. 

Despite the excellent German discipline, there were the 
most violent excesses in many places. A military sur- 
geon reports: 

To begin with : A few villages have been entirely burned down, and 
in others some houses have been burned. But now for the reasons. 
When one has read with horror of the mutilation of our brave troops 
in the southwest, it must have seemed to him that such things could 
not happen in civilized Europe. Our troops here have experienced 
things at the hands of the Belgian population, from men, women and 
half-grown boys, that are usually experienced only in wars against 
savage peoples in Africa. The civilian populace of Belgium shoots with 
blind hatred from every house, every bush, at everything German. In the 
very first days we had a number of soldiers killed or wounded by these 
civilians. The women took as great a part as the men. One German's 
throat was cut while he was sleeping in his bed at night. Another house 
displayed the Red Cross flag. Five soldiers were billeted there. In the 
morning they were all dead from stab wounds. In a village in Verviers 
we found a lone soldier with his hands tied behind his back and his 
eyes gouged out. A wagon of an automobile division going toward Liege 
stopped in a village. A young woman approached the chauffeur, sud- 
denly shoved a revolver into his face and shot him dead. In such cases 
the offenders are instantly shot, but neither this nor the burning of the 
houses has any effect on the people. A number of wounded exhibited 
wounds that were inexplicable to me at first, since the bullets had 
entered the upper thigh behind and emerged near the tip of the spinal 
column. I learned later how this had come about. A supply co- 
lumn, led by a non-commissioned officer, was fired on at night by 
inhabitants of a village. The men crept under the wagon and 
started firing between the spokes of the wheels. Suddenly the officer 
felt something shoved against him from the rear, there was a shot and 
he was disabled. Two of the wounded in my care have small shot in 
the eyes. One had his hand badly wounded while the troops were march- 
ing past a hedge at twilight. A man concealed in the hedge stuck a 



62 

revolver out and fired at such close range that his victim's skin was 
filled vi^ith particles of burned pow^der. The right arm of another sol- 
dier was so badly shattered by a charge of shot at night at close range 
that it had to be taken off. In Gemmenich, some three miles from Aix- 
la-Chapelle, the inhabitants held up a motor ambulance corps and fired 
on it from all the houses. The escort of Hussars was too weak to ac- 
complish much, but it succeeded in capturing and shooting three of the 
assailants and burned the house from which most of the shots had come. 
The Red Cross on our arms and our wagons does not protect us surgeons in 
the least. In a number of battles we have been compelled to witness how 
wounded, who had been carried back from the fii'ing line, and others, 
who were being taken by wagon to the lazaretts, were shot or other- 
wise murdered by the inhabitants of nearby villages. A number of 
Germans were badly injured while working to clear a tunnel which 
had been destroyed. Women threw stones at these severely injured men 
that lay on the embankments, and ridiculed them. A man from Aix-la- 
Chapelle came through the Belgian border town of Gemmenich in 
an automobile, with a militaiy chauffeur. When near the town, he left 
the car for a minute and stepped to the side of the road. A shot from 
a hedge killed him instantly. Such, then, is the method of battle of the 
civilized Belgian people. Is it not natural that one's blood boils in 
his veins and that rage takes the place of reason ? And then the Bel- 
gians wonder when we deal without scruple with civilians who are 
only even suspected of participation in these things. One rejoices and is 
proud to say "civis Germanus sum" when he sees the conduct of our 
splendid army, but his heart bleeds the more when our poor boys bleed 
to death from the wound of a peasant's shot-gun or a Belgian woman's 
kitchen-knife. And shall it be reckoned against us when they wipe from 
the face of the earth the villages in which our men are exposed to such 
attacks ? 

A Dutch, eye-witness reported concerning Liege: 

Shots came from the houses; boys and girls threw stones at the 
soldiers; even old men fired from behind doors at the advancing troops. 
The troops shot down everyone who opposed them, according to the 
usages of war. When those of the inhabitants who had not yet fled 



65 

appeared to have abandoned their attack, the commanding officer or- 
dered the troops to form a hollow square, with the remaining inhabit- 
ants inside. The soldiers distributed among the people a printed pro- 
clamation, in which it was declared, in French, that the Germans had 
not come to conquer the country, and that they would respect the pro- 
perty and rights of the Belgians. The commander then stepped forward 
and addressed the inhabitants in French. He repeated that the Belgians 
must not consider the Germans as enemies and that only urgent ne- 
cessity had led to the invasion of Belgian territory. The inhabitants, 
he said, must reconcile themselves to the German military regulations. 
Every attack upon the German troops would be considered treason and 
punished with death. As the commander uttered the last word, a shot 
was heard and he fell dead. A group of about eight persons, from whose 
midst the shot had come, was arrested and all were shot on the spot. 

Here are further details : 

A severely wounded German soldier, a victim of the fanatic Belgian 
population, was brought to Aix-la-Chapelle. He had been carried into 
a house in a Belgian village from which the Red Cross flag floated. 
Instead of caring for him, the inhabitants of the house threw him out 
of the second-story window and then fled. The soldier can hardly live. 

In another Belgian village a German officer asked for something 
to drink. The owner of the saloon gave him a glass of wine and, while 
he was drinking, thrust a knife into his abdomen. 

In Liege the women poured boiling oil from the windows upon the 
soldiers. The French press confirms this heroic deed and declares that 
Belgian working women put 2,000 German soldiers hors de combat in 
this manner. 

An officer entered a house and requested a drink. Only women 
were present. As he lifted the glass, he was shot in the back by one of 
the women. 

A boy offered cigarettes to a soldier and at the same time fired at him. 

A white flag fluttered from a church tower. The house of God was 
to be respected. And then came shots from the windows. 

The brave men who serve as chauffeurs and who advance almost 
to the firing line meet the same kind of treatment. Wherever they pass 



64 

through Belgians they meet a storm of bullets and treacherous attacks. 
I spoke with a chauffeur who had received a grazing shot across the 
cheek and who had a shattered finger. His lieutenant had been shot in 
the leg. He had been ambuscaded from a thicket near Gemmenich. 

A wounded soldier tells the following story: 

My comrade fell by my side, shot in the leg. He could not drag 
himself further. In the next moment a number of the rabble had thrown 
themselves on him and — I shudder in telling it, but it is God's truth — 
one of the men sawed both his legs off with a big bucksaw. I could 
observe it as we were retreating. 

And finally: After Captain Arnim von Klutzow had fallen in the 
enemy's country, his wife, Helene von Klutzow, nee Hoyer von 
RoTENHEiM, came to carry her husband's body home. On the way she 
was killed by cowardly murderers. 

Two Swedish women, Mi's. Dagmar Waldner and her 
daughter, who were staying at Biisbach, near Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, and who had seen many trainloads of wounded sol- 
diers, wrote to the Swedish newspaper " Dagens Nyheter " 
at the beginning of September: 

Nearly all the Germans had received their wounds in fights with 
franc-tireurs. Among the wounded were members of 'Jungdeutschland' 
(the German Boy Scouts organization), whose ears had been cut off by 
Belgian women. In the Belgian city of Demenis the Germans had 
brought twelve of their wounded together at a certain place. The ambu- 
lance corps left them lying for a few minutes while they went after 
automobiles to carry them to the lazarett. While they were absent, 
Belgian women and girls came and poured petroleum over the clothing 
and faces of the wounded men. In many houses the Belgians hung out 
Red Cross flags. The Germans confidingly brought their wounded 
thither. As soon as the ambulance corps had left the houses, the Bel- 
gian women threw the heljiless wounded soldiers out of the windows. 
Mrs. Waldner declared that she could tell of a great number of simil- 
ar instances. 



65 

From the letter of a soldier in the field the Berlin 
"Tageblatt" published the following on September 14*: 

After marching througli Luxemburg, where we had plenty of bread 
and drinking water, we bivouacked in the village of Tavigny. There 
we had our first baptism of fire. At i o'clock in the morning — we were 
in a barn in a field — a murderous fire was suddenly opened upon us. 
One of my comrades opened the door and fell dead beside me, shot 
through the heart. I cannot describe the terrible moments that followed. 
We had two men killed and six wounded. We rushed out of the barn, 
whereupon a fearful street battle began. Franc-tireurs and Belgians 
tried to wipe us out. There were even women and girls among them. 
By morning we had killed 38 Belgians and taken 40 prisoners. We 
compelled the prisoners to bury the dead and then to dig their own 
graves. Then we shot them all. Incidents like this occurred frequently. 
The inhabitants, pretending friendship, welcomed us, and then shot at 
us from ambush. 

The Hamburg "Nachrichten" published at the begin- 
ning of September, from the pen of a captain, the follow- 
ing description of the carefully prepared plan of cam- 
paign of the Belgian franc-tireurs : 

A civilized people like the Germans can have no conception of the 
conduct of the inhabitants, I believe that I can prove that the Belgians 
were officially encouraged in this franc-tireur warfare by the French. 
This must be true, for all the houses here which I have so far investiga- 
ted — about ten in all— had been long pre{)ared for an action of this kind. 
The houses have loopholes in the roofs which were made hy expert workmen 
in this line. Some of them consisted of iron pipes through the walls, 
with a hinged steel cover, closing from the outside. When the inhabit- 
ants stuck their guns through these tubes, the covers opened. When 
the gun was drawn back, the cover fell over the opening. In many 
houses — I have investigated them personally, together with my lieuten- 
ants — these loopholes were so made that they looked from the outside 
exactly like ornamental tile projections. The covei's are of iron, 
covered with cement on the outside. This shows that they 

E 5 



66 

were made before war was declared, which means that the Belgians 
systematically ^prepared for hostilities. The steel covers in the house in 
which we were quartered — a villa belonging to very wealthy people — 
all bore the number 3,350. Judging by this, they were made in a factory 
and numbered according to the houses for which they were designed. 
Furthermore^ nearly all the church towers were equipped with machine guns. 
We have found some of these, with many cartridges. We have now 
captured all the male inhabitants in our district and brought them to 
the rear. 

Canes and umbrellas, some 32 inches long, concealing 
guns which, could be fired by pressing on a button, were 
found on Belgian franc- tireurs. 

Because of such atrocities and violations of the rules 

of warfare, the German government, in the middle of 

August, issued through a neutral power the following 

warning to the Belgian government: 

"The royal Belgian government has rejected Germany's well meant 
offer to spare Belgium the horrors of war. It has resisted by force 
the march of German troops through its territory, a method of cam- 
paign made necessary by the plans of Germany's enemies, and has 
brought war upon itself. Despite the communication of August 8*^, 
in which the Belgian government declared that it would conduct the war 
only by means of uniformed troops, in accordance with the rules of 
warfare, a great number of the inhabitants, masked in civilian clothing, 
have taken part in the fighting around Liege. They have not only shot 
at German troops, but they have also murdered the wounded in an 
atrocious manner, and have shot down surgeons while these were per- 
forming their duties. At the same time, mobs in Antwerp have destroyed 
German property in a barbaric manner and have bestially slain German 
women and children. Germany demands, before the entire civilized 
world, a reckoning for the blood of these innocent persons and for 
Belgium's method of carrying on war, which is a blow in the face of 
all civilization. If the war hereafter assumes a gruesome character, the 



67 

fault is Belgium's. In order to protect the German troops from the un- 
chained passions of the people, every person without a uniform, who is 
not distinguished by some plain mark showing that he has a riglit to 
participate in the war, will be considered outside the protection of the 
rules of wai'fare when he takes part in the fighting, interferes with 
German lines of communication, cuts telegraph wires, plants mines, or, 
in short, participates in the war in any unjustifiable manner. He will 
be considered a franc-tireur and will be immediately shot." 

For weeks after the occupation of Belgium, German 
troops, officials and travellers were fired upon by tlie in- 
censed inhabitants from ambush, from houses, even from 
churches, from bushes and forests. What troop com- 
mander could let such treacheries go unpunished? 

At the beginning of September the commanding general 

of the seventh army corps issued this renewed warning: 

"I learn that a newspaper has declared that the severe measm-es 
of our military commanders against the reprehensible franc-tireur 
operations in Belgium were dictated by a feeling of revenge and desire 
for retaliation. This article, against which I have taken the measures 
demanded by my duty, gives me occasion to address an explanatory 
word to the inhabitants in the district occupied by the seventh army 
corps. The secret, treacherous attacks which have been made by a 
hostile population in many places against our brave troops, and which 
still persist in places, make it the absolute duty of our commanders 
to proceed against such atrocious crimes with i-uthless and iron 
severity. To show weakness here would be to betray our own army. 
Not a hair of the peaceful inhabitants of the country will be touched. 
The discipline of our troops, known to the whole world, is a guar- 
anty for this. They fight as soldiers against soldiers in honorable 
battle. If, however, the brave sons of our people, who go out to 
the field to meet hardship and death for the Fatherland, if wounded, 
surgeons and others who care for the wounded are miserably mur- 
dered by a misled, mad populace, if the safety of the army is threatened 



68 

by the attacks of guerillas from the rear, it becomes a law of self- 
preservation and a sacred duty of the military commanders to proceed 
against these crimes immediately with the most extreme measures. The 
innocent must then suffer with the guilty. The commanders of our army 
have in repeated proclamations made it plain that human lives cannot 
be regarded in suppressing such shameful crimes. That some houses, 
even flourishing villages and whole cities have to be destroyed in this 
process is certainly to be regretted, but it must not give occasion for 
unjustifiable mental perturbation. These houses, villages and cities 
cannot be worth so much to us as the life of a single soldier. This 
is self-evident and hardly needs to be said. To show compassion here 
would be a sinful weakness. The blood of the innocent is upon the 
heads of the inciters of these shameful attacks. There can be no talk 
of revenge and retaliation such as was contained in the newspaper ar- 
ticle of which I have spoken, an article which I fail to understand. Our 
commanders — to repeat it once more — are simply doing their duty, and 
they will continue to do this duty until the glorious end of the war. 
They will protect our soldiers from murderers in the most ruthless 
manner and at any cost. Whoever talks here of barbarism speaks want- 
only. The iron performance of one's duty is a fruit of the higher cul- 
ture, and the population of the hostile countries cannot but learn this 
from our army. » 

Some Belgian villages had to be burned doAvii because, 
tlirough their representatives, they had given the G-erman 
troops a friendly welcome and then attacked them in the 
streets and from the houses. Belgian villages suffered only 
where the German soldiers had been fired on from the 
houses. Liege, whose most beautiful bridge over theMaas 
was blown up by the Belgians themselves, shows few 
traces of the combat. Many Liege factories have resumed 
operations under the German rule, with the assistance of 
German engineers. Verviers and the other occupied cities, 
foremost of all Brussels, remain quite undamaged. 



69 

In Louvain, on the contrary, there were gross excesses 
by the inhabitants against the German troops. 

In the forenoon of August 1 9'^ the Belgian troops re- 
tired from Louvain. The Germans entered immediately 
thereafter. 

It is true that the Belgian officials had, through posters 
on the walls, warned the populace not to shoot at the Ger- 
man troops. The French incitations of the people, how- 
ever, had been too long permitted and too industriously 
carried on. 

Immediately following the entry of the German troops, 
their commander had ordered that all houses must be shut 
at 8 o'clock in the evening and that the inhabitants must 
stay at home. All weapons were to be surrendered, on 
pain of death. 

Four outwardly quiet days had passed, from August 20*^ 
to 2 3'""^, when the local German commander received dis- 
quieting reports, which moved him to demand that the 
police officials of the city furnish hostages against the 
event that the German troops should be fired on. As a 
Belgian priest, an inhabitant of Louvain, who was him- 
self later held as a hostage, testifies, the German comman- 
der made a concession to the police authorities. It was 
agreed that the clergy of Louvain should warn the popu- 
lace and advise them to be quiet. The dean of Louvain 
immediately complied with this arrangement. In all the 
churches and at all services the people were warned to 
be peaceful. 



70 

On August 2 5*^ the Belgian troops in Antwerp made a 
well prepared sortie. It is possible that the people of Lou- 
vain had secretly learned of this, for when the troops re- 
turned to that city toward evening the inhabitants, trust- 
ing in a victory of the Belgian troops, thought they could 
crush the weak German detachment occupying the town. 
Shooting from the houses in several streets began at 
8 o'clock in the evening. F. Schotthofer wrote the follow- 
ing report of this firing in the Frankfort "Gazette": 

The troops occupying the railroad station were eating supper, the 
officers were in the hotels. Nobody expected any trouble. An alarm 
was instantl)'- sounded and the soldiers marched through the streets. 
The major selected several hostages, who were compelled to walk 
ahead of him and make clear to the inhabitants, in the French and Fle- 
mish languages, the dangerous consequences of their actions. It did 
no good. A short while later the shooting began anew, and lasted 
throughout the night. The soldiers captured a number of the inhabitants 
with weapons in their hands, who were tried by court-martial on the 
following morning and shot. A detachment of artillery, which arrived 
late in the evening, fired six shots at houses that were already burning. 
This shows that there can be no talk of a bombardment. A portion of 
the populace was guilty of cruelties against the wounded. German 
soldiers with their hands cut off and their abdomens ripped up were 
found in the Rue Marie Therese. A color bearer had been shot stjuarely 
in the top of the head, showing that the shot came from above. Later, 
too, a matter that had not excited any attention was seen in its true 
significance — the citizens, when troops were billeted upon them, had 
requested only officers and had been imwilling to house the officers' 
servants. 

A Louvain priest also heard the firing on this occasion. 
He took refuge in his cellar, and wrote on August 26*^ and 
27*^ the following: 



71 

Wednesday, August 26^K Many persons are asking to be admitted 
to our house, but we have to refuse them. The mihtary surgeon who 
visits the wounded who have been brought here protects us. Two hos- 
tages, one of them the vice-rector of the university, have come to us 
and declared that they would be shot if the people in the streets shot 
at the troops again. Both of the hostages announced this in all the 
streets of the city. The military surgeon brought them back and asked 
for more hostages, so that the proclamations, warning the people to 
remain quiet, could be repeated, to the end that quiet be restored and 
the shooting cease. These hostages came to the local commander, who 
was very polite. He was just in the act of handing them passes autho- 
rizing them to go through the streets when civilians suddenly opened 
fire on German troops in front of the city hall. The hostages were de- 
tained and were forced to march through the streets until 4 o'clock in 
the morning, warning the people to be quiet. They had to do the same 
thing the following day. One of the hostages told me that he had seen 
people shooting at him from windows and cellars. " 

Thursday, August 27'^. "All endeavors to keep the people quiet 
were in vain. The German commander thereupon gave the inhabitants 
notice to take refuge at once at the railway station, since the city was 
to be bombarded. We ourselves cried out this command at the top of 
our voices, to the accompaniment of the long roll from drums and of 
bugle signals, in French and Flemish, in all the streets, but the shoot- 
ing at German soldiers continued. At the station we met acquaintances, 
who were going to Germany. As a born Belgian and citizen of Louvain, 
as a well known priest, who was himself a hostage, I swear to these 
statements and unreservedly pledge my priestly honor that they are true. 

Another eye-witness, Dr. Coenrads, vice-rector of the 
University of Louvain, also a hostage, says : 

As I assumed my duties on the afternoon of August 25*^ a fright- 
ful fire upon the German troops began. It did not come from regular 
troops, for there were no longer any Belgian soldiers in the city. As 
we sat there in our room, frightened and not knowing what to do, a 
high German officer entered and declared that there had plainly been 
a conspiracy. When the shootingdied down toward evening, we walked 



72 

up and down the Rue de la Station in order to warn the inhabi- 
tants to be peaceable. Father Dillon spoke to the crowds in Flemish, 
Senator Orbau de Xivry in French. Then we returned to the city hall 
and went to bed. 

On the following morning we were taken to the station, where 
we were to be lodged in a railway coach. In the waiting-room the 
officers drew up a proclamation, which was to be read in the city. 
It said : 

"We have hostages from you. If another shot is fired, we shall 
shoot them. The city will be punished and an indemnity of 20,000,000 
francs will be demanded. " 

We went through the city with this proclamation. Father Dillon 
read it in some 40 to 50 places. Two officers, with loaded revolvers 
pointed at us, stood by our side. Twenty German infantiymen followed, 
and a number of sisters were at the end of the procession. Women, 
children and men stood all about us, weeping, raising their arms to 
heaven and crying that they would do all they could to save us from 
being killed. As we were reading the proclamation at the corner of 
the Rue Frederic Lints, shots were again fired at the Germans. We 
marched through the streets for five hours, reading the proclamation. 
Then I begged to be permitted to return to my home. A German staff 
surgeon, Dr. Berghausen of Cologne, kindly offered to accompany me. 
I owe my life to him. We had reached the Rue Leopold when a shot 
was fired from the Marche au Grain. German soldiers on the other 
side of the street immediately aimed their rifles at me. Dr. Berghausen 
threw himself in front of me, covering me with his body, and my life 
was saved. 

More than 200 German soldiers fell in these days as victims 
of the Belgian guerillas of Louvain. As many more were 
murdered while they slept. Simultaneously with the sortie 
from Antwerp and the murders of German soldiers by the 
Louvain franc-tireurs, the German troops in the surround- 
ing villages were treacherously attacked. More than 



73 

360 Belgians, nearly half of them women, were arrested 
in Louvain, more than i 20 in Liege and more than 350 
in the Brussels district. All these had shot German soldiers 
from ambush and tortured and brutaHy mutilated the 
wounded. 

A member of the German Reichstag, the Social Demo- 
crat Fischer, answering the query, "What happened in 
Louvain?" said: "The German army does not wage bar- 
baric war like that waged by the Cossacks from the mo- 
ment of their invasion of East Prussia with robbery, 
murder and arson. Man, woman and child and their 
home are not threatened when German troops enter a 
village or city. Suddenly the German soldiers, believing 
that they are in an unfortified city and that there is no 
enemy near, are threatened by shots from the houses, 
from churches and museums. Cannot anyone understand 
how these soldiers, urged by the s^^irit of self-preservation, 
impelled to a wildanger by this treacherous, dishonorable 
attack, have but one idea-to kill their assailants and des- 
troy the buildings behind which they have concealed them- 
selves? It is terrible, hut upon whom does the hlamc resiV 

And upon whom does the blame rest? A few days 
after the miu-derous attacks in Louvain the Belgian min- 
ister of state, CooREMAN, as chairman of a commission 
appointed to investigate cruelties alleged to have been 
perpetrated by the Germans, answered the above question 
with the following words, which were published in the 
Antwerp "Metropole" of August 31^': 



74 

The Germans have but a single step to take before descending to 
cannibalism. There is, moreover, no indication that this war will not 
show instances of cannibalism. The furor teutonicus shows with what 
satisfaction the German reverts to barbarism. 

When a minister of state gives expression to such 
foolish statements, it cannot be wondered that the rabble, 
which trusts in him and follows his lead, reaches for its 
weapons and does murderous deeds. 

A former member of the House of Commons spoke 
truthfully when he said, through the columns of the 
"Westminster Gazette", the widely read London news- 
paper, at the beginning of September: "When the people 
of the city suddenly fired from their houses at the Gler- 
man troops, it was unavoidable that this mad act should lead 
to the natural consequences.'''' 

The English premier, on the contrary, who is fighting 
against Germany side by side with Russians, Japanese, 
Turkos and like associates, had the effrontery to declare 
that the alleged destruction of Louvain was "the greatest 
crime since the Thirty Years War". Bismarck was right. 
The hypocrisy of the English politicians is in a class 
alone. 

After occurrences like those in Louvain, French, English, 
Russian and even Belgian soldiers would, in justifiable 
resentment, have destroyed the whole city and razed it 
to the ground. In the Boer War the English burned all 
the farmhouses, even in open warfare. 

It is allegad that the Germans conducted themselves 
in Louvain like Huns and deliberately destroyed the most 



75 

valuable works of art. And these were the same Germans 

who, in their own land, guard monuments of nature and 

of art with such understanding ! 

Controverting this, an official of the German Imperial 

Government in Belgium, who was sent to Louvain in his 

official cajDacity, submitted the following report: 

Brussels, September 7, 19 14. 
I went to Louvain yesterday, following a request of the local com- 
mander there, who had expressed a wish to confer with an imperial 
government official concerning the necessary measures to be taken in 
the interests of the local government. At the outset I place on record 
the fact that only one sixth to one fifth of the city is destroyed. The 
district about the railway station has suffered the most. Only those 
houses from which tlie troops were shot at were deliberately set on 
fire. Most of the public buildings are untouched, especially the wonder- 
ful Rathaus, which, with the exception of a few broken windows, is 
entirely undamaged. A few buildings were destroyed by being set on 
fire by flying embers, among them the university, with its libi'ary, and 
the municipal theatre. St. Peter's Church is but slightly damaged, so 
that it can easily be restored. Moreover, all the more valuable ar- 
ticles, especially the altar pictures, were saved from the church by 
our soldiers. The preservation of the works of art is mainly due to 
the energetic and intelligent intervention of the commander. Major 
VON Manteuffel, formerly district commander in Altenburg, and of 
his two adjutants, who, with the able assistance of Colonel Bock of 
the railway troops, did everything possible to prevent the conflagration 
from spreading. Major von Manteuffel exerted himself especially to 
save the Rathaus and the Benedictine Abbey of Mont Cesar. As early 
as August 2S^^ — the fire was on August 2^^^ — some degree of order 
was restored. The bodies of the inhabitants who had been shot — some 
160 to 180 — had been buried and the work of clearing up the ruins 
had been energetically begun. The universitj'^ professor Nerinex placed 
himself at the disposal of the military authorities, and was entrusted 
with the conduct of the office of burgomaster, a work which he is 



76 

performing in a completely satisfactory manner. A nmnber of court 
officials and the chief official of the state-attorney's department re- 
turned at the same time, so that the courts could be reopened. The 
authorities of the department of justice have effectively supported the 
military authorities by their rigorous procedure against the rabble. The 
greater part of the population has fled to Brussels and Mechlin. Since, 
however, the militaiy commander has authorized the citizens, and espe- 
cially the business-men, to I'eturn, the population is visibly increasing. A 
number of stores have been reopened and a representative of the Brussels 
branch of the ''Deutsche Bank" has already returned to Louvain. The 
commander has furthermore made it possible for the railroad from 
Brussels to Louvain to resume traffic to a limited extent, so that one 
passenger and one freight train now run daily in both directions. 
This gives to one of Louvain's chief industries, that of brewing, which 
is generally being carried on, an opportunity of getting its supplies and 
sending out its product by rail. Moreover, the necessaries of life for 
Louvain can be brought in by this railway. This is especially im- 
portant for the city's meat supply, since, although there is at present 
a sufficient supply of meat on hand, it would hardly last beyond the 
end of the current week, since all livestock has been driven away. 
Public utilities — water supply, gas and electricity — have been re- 
established so far as possible. The water system, which in the first 
days following the fire lacked pressure on account of the great amount 
of water used, is again functioning, except at the railway station, 
where wells have to be resorted to. The gas works are still out of 
operation, and it has been impossible to resume electric lighting, since 
the power-houses in Mecheln as yet furnish no current for Louvain. 
The prisoners in the penitentiary are being cared for by the municipal 
officials. There are no Germans among the prisoners. According 
to the statements of the prison superintendent, which are credited, 
those whose terms had expired — seven in all — were released, and ten 
others, whose time was not yet up, were transferred to Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle. 

No, Louvain has not been destroyed. The citizens have 
German goodlieartedness and discipline to thank for the 



77 

preservation of tlieir city. In the south the city was entirely 
undamaged, in the west almost entirely. It was only in 
the eastern part, where the guerillas made their stand, 
especially in the Rue de la Station, that many houses 
were destroyed, and even here many were spared, pro- 
ving that the destruction was not carried out according 
to a prearranged plan. The beautiful Rathaus caught fire, 
but was saved with the help of German troops. As Dr. 
Helfferich, director of the "Deutsche Bank", was able to 
testify after a personal investigation, while the German 
soldiers carried on the work of saving the building they 
were continuosly being shot at by Louvain citizens. 

All the accusations that the German troops committed 
cruelties, acts of violence, looting or deliberate acts of 
vandalism haA^e long been disproved, as well by neutral 
witnesses, and especially by American reporters. 

If the Belgian minister Vandervelde should in reality 
go to America, in order to give illustrated lectures there 
repeating the Belgian slanders, the truth will follow close 
upon his heels. 

In view of the violation of the rules of warfare by the 
fanatic Belgians, of the barbarous excesses committed by 
the Belgian rabble against German and Austrian guests 
in Ostende, against German travelers in Antwerp and 
other cities, who were stoned, robbed and murdered, and 
in view of the ackowledged German discipline, the State 
Department at Washington has long since pigeonholed 
the Belgian protests. 



78 

It is to be expected that the government at Washington 
will deal in the same way with the protest sent out by 
President Poincabe from Bordeaux on September i 2*^, 
After it has been proved that Belgian, English and French 
troops have, in violation of the rules of warfare, employed 
dumdum bullets, he makes a similar accusation against 
Germany, and asserts: "Germany seizes upon mendacious 
pretexts in order to commit new barbarities". And this 
from the President of a republic that has already brought 
200,000 negroes from Africa and uniformed them as sol- 
diers to fight against the Germans ! It is a long time since 
the saying was current: "La France marche a la tete de 
la civilisation". 

The German soldier is not a mercenary, but a citizen 
in arms, who fulfils his duty toward his Fatherland. He 
is a man of upright instincts and esprit de corps, good- 
hearted and with a strong sense of justice and fairness. 

If the German soldiers were as they have been repre- 
sented by the Belgian, French and English fanatics, if 
they were bands of robbers, ravishers and murderers, they 
would, in the far off enemy's country which they occupy 
to-day as they did 44 years ago, have constant and bitter 
battles with a folk di-iven to desperation, and, wherever 
they might have come with their lust for blood, they 
would have razed city and village to the ground. 

As a matter of fact, however, the life and limb of the 
millions of people who are to-day under German rule in 
Belgian, French and Russian territory, are just as safe as 



79 

under their former governments, and a great part of these 
people are in many respects better off than before. 

Following the victorious campaigns of the Germans, 
the hostile nations, the Belgians in Belgium, the French 
in Northern and Eastern France, and the Russians in 
Western Russia, have had an opportunity to make the 
acquaintance of the Grerman soldiers at first hand. These 
people will be astounded and indignant over the renewed 
slanders of conscienceless defamers. 

Despite this, Pierre Loti, a former French naval officer, 
had the effrontery to v/rite to the Turkish war minister 
at the beginning of September : 

"TAe Germans are committing in Belgium and in France, and upon the 
orders of their leaders, the same atrocities that the Bulgarians committed in 
your country. If we should, against our expectations, be defeated for a 
time, Prussia and its dynasty of wild beasts would none the less be 
pilloried in the history of mankind for all time. 0, if you knew the 
boundless loathing that manifests itself in the whole world against the 
Prussian race!" 

Well roared, lion! And behind these Frenchmen stand 
the Turkos and the African negroes, their celebrated allies 
and heroes in their battle against the G-ermans. One of 
these Turkos was among those wounded at Dinard. Ac- 
cording to the London "Daily Express" of September 9*^, 
he had the head of a German soldier in his knapsack. He 
was half wild when it was taken away from him. He consi- 
dered this head the most valuable souvenir in the world, 
and he had to be consoled with a gift of money ! 

A diplomat, the English minister at the Hague, made 
common cause with these slanderers of German honor 



8o 

in the middle of September by making the assertion that 
the German troops were completely demoralized and were 
plundering all the French villages. 

Another Englishman, Lord Curzon, the former vice- 
roy of India, expressed the hope that the Bengalese 
cavalrymen and the dark skinned Grurkhas migth even- 
tually make themselves at home in Berlin and Potsdam. 
The pride of race of the Englishmen of to-day appears to 
be confined to trade, money and sport. They conduct 
their wars mainly by means of brown, yellow and black 
mercenaries. 

When the Belgians read what plundering, destruction 
and cruelties the Russians and French have committed 
in the abandoned portions of their own countries, they 
cannot help saying : Better the German soldiers as enemies 
than the French and Russian soldiers as friends! 

A French proclamation of August 26*\ signed "Dubail", 
reads literally: 

" The municipal officials of Rambervillers have brought to the know- 
ledge of the commander-in-chief of the first army the fact that soldiers 
have permitted themselves to commit acts of violence and to plunder 
in that city. These occurrences are the more to be regretted and re- 
prehended in that they were committed on French territory." 

French soldiers, who ravish and loot on French terri- 
tory! What a spectacle! 

How different it was with the German troops in France ! 
State Councillor Gouber of Rouen, who, in his official ca- 
pacity, travelled through Northern France and the territory 
of the Pas de Calais, declared to the Paris "Temps" of 



8i 

September 6*^ that such acts of the Germans as were reported 
from Belgium had not been repeated in Northern France. No 
buildings were set on fire, and all requisitions for meat, 
bread, fee, were paid for in cash. During the absence of a 
dealer in bicycles, the Germans would not take three bicy- 
cles which they needed until they had hunted up the mayor 
and handed him a receipt for them. The Germans only 
dealt severely when they found houses whose owners had ab- 
andoned them, for they hunted all over for food and only be- 
came angry when this was denied them or concealed from them. 
Concerning the extended territory of Northern France, 
Monsieur Gouber testifies that he is obliged to admit 
that in this whole district, through which he travelled, 
he heard no complaints against the Germans from the inhabi- 
tants. 

Nevertheless the German troops had many a disagree- 
able experience in France, too. Major General von L., 
commander of a cavalry brigade, submitted to the chem- 
ists of the ambulance corps of his army corps on Sep- 
tember 5**" a portion of a cup of cojBfee. After drinking 
part of the cup, he had become immediately ill, with 
indications of poisoning. He had received the coffee in 
a French village near Luneville. Analysis showed that it 
contained enough arsenic to hill a man. Major General 
VON L. has since fully recovered. 

Despite all this, the English minister at The Hague, 
misusing his diplomatic immunity, dared to report to the 
Dutch press on September 12* that the German troops 
E 6 



82 

were completely demoralized. He declared that they were 
plundering all the French villages that they visited and 
drinking to excess. He who befouls the honor of another 
befouls himself. 

The German soldier does not hate nor feel contempt for 
his enemies. He spares them and honors them when they 
deserve consideration and honor, but not otherwise. 

In times of war the laws of warfare rule. They should, 
however, not only punish, but also act as a deterrent. 
These rules are invoked when inhabitants of municipal- 
ities and peasants carry on a guerilla warfare by shooting 
on troops from ambush, from houses and forests, and 
thus make themselves guilty of murder. In such cases 
the employment of the rules of warfare is demanded by 
the instinct of self-preservation and by the law of nations. 
The leaders of the German army will not cease to act 
according to these laws. 



MISREPRESENTATIONS AND CALUMNIES. 

I^HE Germans are compelled to fight not only with 
- their arms, but also with their pens against the dis- 
honesty, against the network of misrepresentations and 
calumnies in which their enemies have tried to entangle 
tlie half of Europe and all the rest of the world, and they 
must keep on until this network be ripped open by the 
force of facts. 

Misrepresentations and calumnies cannot last. They 
are, however, like snow-balls, which become bigger and 
bigger the longer they are rolled. And they exert a power- 
ful influence at critical times, even though it be but for 
days or weeks. 

By means of misrepresentations and calumnies against 
the Germans it was attempted by English, French, Rus- 
sians, Belgians, and others to create as strong a war feel- 
ing as possible among their own people, to revive their 
waning hopes of victory, to animate their troops to make 
new exertions and greater sacrifices, and to stir up hate 
and loathing for the Germans, to represent them as bar- 
barians and Huns, and to charge them falsely with all 
sorts of cruelties. 

The misrepresentations and calumnies of the English, 
French, Russians, Belgians and others were manufactured 
chiefly for the neutral countries. False news was system- 
atically disseminated; and Italy, Holland, Denmark, Nor- 

6* 



84 

way, Sweden, Spain, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, 
the American states, South. Africa, and East Asia were 
absolutely flooded with false cable news. This news, which 
was sent outchiefly by Renter's Agency, London, accused 
Germany, the military nation, of being the real instigator 
of the war, as being alone responsible for it, and at the 
same time Germany's position was represented as despe- 
rate. There were uprisings of the Social Democrats in 
Berlin, of the Poles at Posen, and of the Alsace-Lorrainers 
at Strassburg, Muhlhausen and Metz. Germany's defeat 
was represented as inevitable. Huge Russian armies 
were victoriously marching upon Berlin. The French had 
crossed the Rhine. Atrocities and other gross breaches 
of the laws of nations and of neutrality by the Germans 
were reported. We were branded as an inferior, degene- 
rate nation, and the attempt was made to incite the gov- 
ernments and the public opinion of the neutral countries 
to abandon their neutrality and take part, directly or in- 
directly, in overcoming the nation which is a common 
danger to all. 

Germany was to be completely isolated and was to be 
regarded and treated by the whole civilized world as an 
enemy. 

That was the purpose of the "campaign of lies" against 
Germany referred to by the Chancellor of the Empire in 
his communication of September 2'"^to the American press ; 
the anti-German newspapers were influenced only to a 
secondary degree by their mere love of sensation. 



85 

For a time it seemed as if that purpose would here 
and there be accomplished. In the chief cities of several 
neutral states the restless populace was incited to make 
demonstrations against Germany. The governments of 
some of the neutral states began to waver, and Germany's 
position would have become dangerous if it had really 
suffered defeats and had to reckon with the hostility of 
all nations. 

But at this point the German army came to our assist- 
ance with its deeds. The falsifiers and calumniators were 
strong in weak words, but weak in strong deeds. Gradu- 
ally but surely the German victories caused the truth to 
prevail. In spite of diplomatic pressure, especially on the 
part of England, the neutral governments declared with 
increasing emphasis that they woidd not deviate from 
strict neutrality. 

So far as over-sea countries are concerned, the English 
had at hand the means suitable for their purpose in the 
form of a world-monopoly of cables, through which they 
controlled the news-service beyond all the seas. Contrary 
to the laws of nations they cut the German cable on the 
high seas, and they violated the rights of neutral states 
by controlling and suppressing all cable news unfavorable 
to themselves. The English misused their cable monopoly 
to disseminate monstrous misrepresentations and slanders 
against Germany, also to place intolerable restrictions 
upon the cable service in their own interests and at the 
cost of the neutral countries, and finally — just as during 



86 

the Boer War- — to take an unfair advantage of the com- 
mercial cable news which came first into their hands, 
and that to the loss of competing neutral countries, espe- 
cially the United States. The American people should 
take the precaution of laying a cable of their own to the 
European Continent, in order to forestall in future such 
breaches of law by the English. 

For weeks the neutral European and over-sea countries 
were fooled with news about French, Russian, and Eng- 
lish victories. 

In view of our experience hitherto we may predict that 
when editors of foreign newspaper come later to compare 
their daily news reports of the first weeks of the war with 
the actual occurrences as testified to by authentic history, 
they will be astonished and indignant at all the inventions 
which the anti-German powers put on the cables to mis- 
lead the whole world. A few pieces of news — true, by 
way of exception — were amusing, as, for example, the 
French President's bestowal of the French military medal 
upon the Belgian King and of the cross of the Legion of 
Honor upon the brave city of Liege because it had victo- 
riously resisted the attack of the Germans! Or the con- 
gratulatory dispatches of the King of England and the 
Czar to the Belgian King upon the "Victory of Liege " ! The 
joy over such "German defeats" was just as brief as the 
honors conferred for such "Belgian and French victories ". 

Other lies were of a more serious kind and of more 
dangerous influence, — such as traduced Germany's policy 



87 

and the German character. Such defamation was designed 
to disturb old friendships and transform them into bitter 
estrangement ; such defamation was also able to accomplish 
this hostile purpose wherever foreign poeple did not say 
daily to themselves: "It is an enemy that reports such 
things against Germany ; let us be wise and suspend our 
judgment till we know actual results, till we know what 
is certainly true." 

A few of those untruths as examples here. 

The former French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gabriel 
Hanotaux, made the following assertion in the Paris 
"Figaro": 

Emperor William is a prisoner and the victim of the war party, 
headed by his own son, which is attempting to deprive the Kaiser of 
his throne. 

At the middle of August the "Cologne Gazette" made 

the following collection of telegraphic dispatches from 

Dutch, Belgian, French and English sources : 

Germany sends an ultimatiun to Italy, demanding that it meet its 
obligations as an ally, otherwise it might expect a declaration of war. 

Garros, the well-known aviator, sees a German Zeppelin near 
Toul, hurls himself upon it; the Zeppelin explodes, its crew is killed, 
and Garros too. 

Near Lifege a Belgian aviator threw himself upon a German flier; 
the latter was cut in two, and the Belgian continued his flight. 

Every day three or four German war ships are blown up — today on 
the Doggerbank, then at Corfu, tomorrow in the Atlantic Ocean, then 
in the Mediterranean, or on the Dutch coast. The "Breslau," "Goe- 
ben," "Panther," and others have been sunk. 

Bavaria protests against the war (official). August 8. 

Every day the Germans are shooting Alsatians oi- Lorrainers. 



88 

Upon the ritmor that the French were crossing the frontier the 
Alsatians pulled up the boundary marks and had themselves enrolled in 
the French armyj they acclaim their liberation with joy; numei'ous 
Alsatians are deserting daily to the French. 

The Germans wear English uniforms to deceive the enemy. 

The Germans misuse the white flag to shoot down the enemy. 

One Prussian regiment was wholly annihilated, with the exception 
of three officers. 

A squadron of French cavalry has reached the Rhine. 

The Germans are retreating to Breisach, after having burnt their 
depots of supplies. Germany lost here 30,000 dead and 150 guns. The 
population greets the French as liberators. 

The Italian ship "Puglia" has disarmed 29 Austro-Hungarian war 
vessels. 

The "Echo de Paris" announces under date of August 9*^ that two 
German war ships were blown up in the North Sea by the French. 

Saxon prisoners declare that Saxony went into the war against its 
wiU and only because it was compelled to do so (Renter, Aug. 9). 

The following news was also printed up to the middle 
of August : 

Serious social democratic disturbances at Berlin (Renter from 
Brussels). 

The German troops used Alsatian women and children as a van- 
guard (Brussels dispatch to Dutch newspapers). 

Dr. LiEBKNECHT, member of the Reichstag, was shot because he 
refused to discharge his duties as a reserve officer; Rosa Luxem- 
burg shot because she tried to persuade recruits to desert; other social 
democrats also shot because they refused to serve in the war. (Paris 
and London dispatches to Scandinavian and Italian papers.) 

Albert de Mun, member of the French Academy, added 
the following supplement to the above: 

Europe laiows now — for the gates of Berlin are not so weU watched 
as to prevent this rumor getting abroad — that the German army 
was at first compelled to shoot down reserves in the streets of the 
capital because they refused to go to war. 



89 

On August lo**" a French official — namely, the Am- 
bassador at Constantinople — placarded the following an- 
nouncement: "Metz has fallen into French hands." 

London press dispatches of August i^n.^^: Near Belfort there are 
1, 000,000 French, numbers of whom have crossed the Swiss frontier and 
occupied Basle. The Russian mobihzation is about finished and on Au- 
gust i6^h 2,000,000 Russians will be ready to march against German}' 
and Austro-Hungary. Six Austrian cavalry regiments were annihilated 
in Bessarabia. Over 600,000 Russians are on the Russo-Turkish frontier 
south of the Caucasus. 

England systematically misused its ambassadors, envoys, 
and consuls by requiring them to disseminate anti-German 
misrepresentations and calumnies in neutral states. 

When the Paris "Matin," in 19 13, was collecting a 
large sum to assist the French air-fleet this anti-German 
sheet boasted that Berlin would be a heap of ruins twelve 
hours after a declaration of war. 

The English navy was to accomplish equally great 
deeds. English admirals and newspapers had often enough 
given the assurance that the German navy would be de- 
stroyed by the English immediately after a declaration of 
war, and this was generally believed in foreign countries. 

That assumption was false. But English news was soon 
coming in. On August 5 *^ the "Panther" was sunk, and the 
"Goeben" and the "Breslau" were capturednear Gibraltar. 
On August 7*^ "Goeben" and "Breslau" were suddenly 
sighted again in the Straits of Messina, where they were 
doomed to certain destruction. The English did not learn 
for many days that they finally escaped. 



90 

Finally, on August 8*'\ tlie great naval battle occurred. 
According to London newspapers it took place in the North 
Sea. Not less than twenty- two German ships were sunk. 
Four English ships were also lost, which seemed to make 
the story more credible. The German fleet was broken 
up. The British Consul General at Constantinople hastened 
to placard this great naval victory, and all the English 
ships in the harbor were flagged to their fullest. 

Such victories were won by the British hegemony of 
the seas — on patient white paper! 

Liege was captured on August y**". On the following day 
the King Albert of Belgium issued a general order con- 
taining the following passage: 

Our comrades return to our lines after having defended like he- 
roes the reinforced fortress of Liege. Attacked by a force four-fold 
stronger in numbers than themselves, they repulsed every attack. Not 
a single one of the forts was captured. Liege is still in our hands. Flags 
and many prisoners of war are the trophies of these days. 

On the evening of August 7*^' the French Minister of 
War called special attention, in a note, to the resistance 
of Liege and said that the forts there were still holding 
out; that the Germans, who had on Thursday entered the 
city by passing between the forts, had withdrawn from 
it again on Friday, and the Belgian division which came 
to the assistance of the city not even had to go into 
action. This official note drew the conclusion that the re- 
sistance of the Belgians was seriously disturbing the Ger- 
man plan, which contemplated a rapid success, but which 
it was undertaken to carry out with only meagre supplies. 



91 

The Paris "Matin" added that General Emmich, having 
been defeated, asked for an armistice to bury the enormous 
number of dead, but in reality to get bread for his troops, 
who were without food and ammunition and had suffered 
quite enormous losses. 

On August lo*^' this was asserted in the official Bel- 
gian news: 

After five days of fighting, the German army has for the present 
discontinued its attacks upon Liege. All the forts were still in the hands of 
the Belgians this morning at eleven o'clock. 

Four days after the capture of Liege the French Envoy 
at Berne amiounced officially that Liege had not yet been 
taken, and the German troops had been driven back. 

After the fall of Liege the following was placarded in 
big letters on the streets of Brussels : 

Revolution in Germany! 

Italy and Switzerland declare war on Germany! 

Great Battle at Liege! 

60,000 Germans killed, 40,000 pi'isoners ! 

German army in full flight across frontier! 

Belgian Army had only 300 killed ! 

The following dispatches were published at Copen- 
hagen : 

English and French troops had joined the Belgian army, had entered 
Liege, and had taken many prisoners, including a nephew of the 
German Emperor. 

At Stockholm it was reported that the Germans had suffered severe 
defeat. 

The newspapers of Holland contained the following: Only three 
officers survived from one Prussian regiment, the entire regiment was 
annihilated : Lieutenant Forstner, the hero of Zabern, told the inhabi- 



92 

tants (near Liege) that Germany was astonished at the enormous 
Belgian resistance, which it had not expected; this had completely 
changed Germany's whole plan of campaign; a Belgian Pathfinder 
sixteen years old made prisoners of three German soldiers, with their 
arms and horses, and brought them into Liege. 

Again, the following was sent from Paris to Rome: 

The Germans had been driven back behind the Moselle and were 
begging for an armistice; the French had passed Namur and were 
pressing forward with forced marches, while 500,000 English were 
falling upon the German flank. The "Tribuna" estimated the English 
re-inforcements at 100,000 men. Prince George, a nephew of the Kai- 
ser, had fallen at the head of his regiment. 

Other dispatches from Paris : Liege is becoming the grave of 1 50,000 
Germans, who are breaking their heads against its walls. The Belgians 
had taken 3,000 prisoners, who were in a terrible condition; but for 
their good fortune of falling into captivity they would have literally 
starved to death, and they were happy at having found in Belgian 
jjrisons a refuge from Prussian starvation. Four German uhlan officers 
reached Namur in an automobile and said that they had deserted. A 
German non-commissioned officer and several soldiers had deserted 
and fled to Maastricht, where they said that they were afraid and did 
not want to go on with the army. 

General von Emmich, in despair over his defeat, had committed sui- 
cide in a hospital! 

The London "Daily News" discussed at length the "demoralizing 
effects" that these "defeats" must have upon the esprit-de-corps of the 
German troops ; and it added that the plan of the German General Staff 
of penetrating France by way of Belgium had made shipwreck before 
Liege. 

And as late as August 1 4**", a full week after the fall of 
Liege, wireless messages were sent from London into all 
the world that the forts of Liege were still intact, that 
the German advance had broken down, and that 3,600 
Germans and many guns had been captured: 



93 

A leading editorial in the Brussels "Derniere Heure, " 
printed three days after the fall of Liege and still glorifying 
the "victory of Liege " in the style of the Paris houlevarde 
press, reads now like a sorry mockery of what had really 
occurred: 

It will for ever be the glory of Liege that she checked the first 
hordes. The first wave broke on her walls; they are sprinkled with 
blood from it, and this makes her all the more beautiful. The purple 
harmonizes well with her tragic beauty. If one could ask her she would 
reply: My garments were not red enough. Look at her, the city, 
erect, grand, with her resolute face, with her burning eyes, challenging 
countless armies ! Her lips quiver convulsively. She calls : You cannot 
pass here ! You shall not pass ! Such was the sublime attitude of Sparta 
towardXerxes, — you cannot pass ! Feverish Europe lifts her eyes to her, 
all the world raises shouts of admiration. In this tragic moment she 
dominates the world — beautiful, wild, erect, in the attitude of glory! 
The cross of the Legion on Honor sparkles on her heaving breast; 
she has given it somewhat more of purple ! 

As late as August 1 4*^ the London newspapers reported 
nothing but French and Belgian victories. Seven Ger- 
man regiments were annihilated to the last man. In the 
vicinity of Nise forty women had barricaded themselves 
in an arms factory and had put to flight 2,000 German 
uhlans — with boiling water! 

An amusing effect is produced by a Renter dispatch 
of August 2 2""^, in which the occupation of Brussels by 
the Germans was treated in such a manner that the reader 
might suppose that it was only a passing visit: 

One hussar and one uhlan regiment of the German army arrived 
on the morning of the 20*^ before the gates of Brussels. The mayor went 
out to meet them and hold a consultation. In the afternoon German 
officiers arrived in automobiles and drove to the City HaU. 



94 

Later they probably rode away again, for Renter's 
Bureau did not announce that they stayed in Brussels. 

As late as August 23"^, when all Belgium except Ant- 
werp was in Grerman hands, the London "Daily Tele- 
graph " printed the following sensational news from Paris : 
"I hear from an excellently informed person that the Ger- 
mans in Belgium are completely surrounded." 

The losses of the Germans reached enormous figures. 
According to London newspapers the rear lines of the 
Germans had to set up ladders against the mountains of 
bodies so that they could cross to the other side of the 
street, and a second Waterloo was awaiting the Ger- 
man troops. 

On the other hand. General von Stein, the German 

Quartermaster General, reported as follows: 

French news has disturbed our people. It is reported that 20,000 
Germans fell before Liege, and that the city is not yet in our posses- 
sion; and these statements were intended to be chnched by the 
theatrical bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honor upon the city 
of Liege. Our people can rest assured that loe shall neither conceal 
reverses, nor magnify our successes. We shall tell the truth and 
have full confidence that our people will believe us rather than the 
enemy, who wants to present his situation to the world in the most 
favorable light possible. We must hold back our news, however, as 
long as there is danger of revealing our plans to the world. Now we are 
able to report about Liege without doing any harm. Everybody can 
form his own judgment upon the report, shouted by the French into 
the eai's of the whole world, that our losses were 20,000 men. Four 
days ago we had only weak forces at Liege, for such bold undertakings 
must not be revealed beforehand through the assemblage of large ■ 
masses of troops. That we nevertheless attained our end is due to our 



95 

excellent preparations, the valor of our troops, their energetic leader- 
ship, and the help of God. The courage of the enemy was broken, and 
his troops fought badly. The difficulties against us lay in the exceed- 
ingly unfavorable topography of the country, consisting of hills and 
woods, and in the treacherous participation of the entire population 
in the fighting, not even excluding women. The civilians fired upon 
our troops from ambush, from villages and forests, — even upon phy- 
sicians treating the wounded, and upon the wounded themselves. There 
were hard and bitter fights, and whole villages had to be destro)'ed in 
order to break the resistance, before our brave troops penetrated the 
girdle of foi-ts and took possession of the city. It is true that a part of 
the forts still held out, but they no longer fired. The Kaiser did not 
want to waste a drop of blood in storming them, as they no longer 
hindered the carrying out of our plans. We were able to await the 
arrival of heavy artillery to level the forts one after the other at our 
leisure, and without the sacrifice of a single life, in case their garrisons 
should not surrender sooner. But the conscientious commanders of the 
army did not dare to publish one word about all this until such strong 
forces had been brought up around Liege that no devil could wrest 
it from us again; and that is our situation there today. So far as can 
be judged at present, the Belgians had more men for the defense of 
the city than we had for storming it. Every expert can judge from 
this fact the greatness of our achievement; it is unique. If our people 
should again grow impatient for news, I beg them to remember Liege. 
The whole nation has with one accord grouped itself around its Kaiser 
to resist its innumerable foes, so that the military leaders are justified 
in assuming that no reports are expected from them which could make 
their plans prematurely known to the enemy and thus make vain theii' 
difficult task. 

(Signed) von Stein, 
Quartermaster General. 



A further report of Quartermaster General von Stein 
contained the following about the capture of Liege : 



96 

The secret about Liege can now be revealed. We had received 
news that French officers and probably a few privates had been sent 
to Liege before the outbreak of hostilities to instruct the Belgian troops 
in conducting the defense of the fortress. There could be no objection 
to this before the war broke out; but after the war began this became 
a breach of neutrality on the part of France and Belgium. We had to act 
quickly. Regiments not yet mobilized were moved to the frontier and 
marched against Liege. Sijc slender brigades, on a peace footing, icith-a little 
cavalry and artillery (12,000 men in all) captured Liege. After this achieve- 
ment they were mobilized there and received their own supplementary 
men as their first re-inforcements. Two further regiments, which had 
just completed their mobilization, moved up later. Our enemies fancied 
that we had 1 20,000 men at Liege, and that our army could not con- 
tinue its advance owing to the difficulty of provisioning it. They were 
mistaken. That pause at Liege had a different cause. It was only then 
that we began to bring up our armies. Our enemies can rest assured that 
the German troops begin their advance well provisioned and equipped. 
The Kaiser kept his word, — not another drop of German blood was 
shed in taking the forts of Liege. The enemy did not know of our 
heavy siege guns and therefore felt secure in his forts, but even the 
weaker guns of our heavy artillery compelled the forts attacked by 
them to surrender after a brief bombardment. In this way the survivors 
of their garrisons saved their lives. But the forts against which our 
heaviest guns fired were converted in a very brief time into heaps of 
ruins, with their garrisons buried under them. The forts are now being 
cleared out and restored for defensive purposes. The fortress of Liege 
is no longer to serve the plans of the enemy, but to become a supporting point 
for the German armies. 

The dissemination of false news has diminished under 
the hard blows of facts, but it has by no means ceased. 
The effort is still made to represent Germany, in spite 
of her victories, as being in an embarrassed and desperate 
position. 



97 

As recently as the middle of September, when Ger- 
many's victories over Russians, English and French could 
no longer be disputed, newspapers from Ghent and 
Antwerp — petty sheets with two pages of reading 
matter — were smuggled into Brussels and sold secretly 
at one franc, one of which contained the following : 

As I learn, an English fleet succeeded yesterday evening in cap- 
turing the fortress of Cuxhaven. It is expected that the English troops 
will tomorrow march into Hamburg, In the east the Russian army is 
marching from one victory to another; Koenigsberg and Graudenz are 
in their hands, and 400,000 Russians are marching upon Berlin. Lem- 
berg is in the hands of General Rusky, who captured 70,000 Austrians, 
500 guns, and many flags. 

The people of Brussels believed this stuff as late as 
the middle of September. Of course, they had been 
deceived from the start. The German ultimatum had been 
falsified by converting it into the following: Germany 
demands of Belgium that it place its troops under German 
command to make a joint attack upon France! This forgery 
was intended to excite the passions of the Belgians to 
fever heat, and it succeeded. The second offer of peace 
made by Germany after the fall of Liege was kept secret ! 

But enough of all this. History will have to decide. 

Unfortunately the anti-German press of Europe is widely 
circulated; it embraces the greatest London, Paris and 
St. Petersburg newspapers, is supplemented by widely 
read North-Italian, Spanish, American, Belgian and 
Danish organs, and is held together by English, French 
and Russian money. Widely known politicians, writers, 



98 

financiers and others are in the service of this conglome- 
ration; they are fighting with dishonest, base and poi- 
soned weapons against Germany's rights, and are try- 
ing — at least on paper — to dispute Germany's victories. 

About the beginning of September Americans, Danes, 
Swedes, Turks, Rumanians, Italians, Swiss, Greeks, Dutch 
and Norwegians met in Berlin and organized a committee 
for sending impartial reports to neutral foreign countries 
in order to " counteract the lying news spread abroad 
systematically and on the largest scale by hostile foreign 
countries." 

For a considerable time after the German victories in 
August nearly the whole non-German civilized world 
believed the news about German defeats disseminated by 
the hostile press in all foreign countries served by the 
English cable system. 

Up to the end of August the English-French-Belgian 
misrepresentations and calumnies controlled the public 
opinion of all America. On the streets of the chief cities 
the most astonishing inventions were announced by means 
of transparencies. The reports about Germany's greed of 
conquest and bloodthirstiness, about German atrocities and 
defeats, were generally believed because they remained 
uncontradicted; and there could be no contradiction since 
the English permitted no news favorable to Germany to 
get on the cables. 

In England itself it was not permitted to print the of- 
ficial German war news, despite its classical succinctness 



99 

and objectivity. Even extracts of it found in Danish news- 
papers were prohibited. 

The attempt has been made in England for years to 
awaken in the minds of the Americans the suspicion that 
Germany has designs upon Brazil or other American states. 
The revelations of a London newspaper about the plan of 
a German General S.taff officer for the conquest of the 
United States are a characteristic example of the depths 
to which English hate can descend. This latest British 
attempt to cast suspicion upon us was ridiculed in the 
New York "Sun" of September io*\ 

England, the instigator of the present war and its driv- 
ing force, had the audacity to represent Germany as the 
real cause of it. And yet the Kaiser — as the Chancellor, 
VON Bethmann Hollweg, pointed out in his communication 
of September 2°'^to the American press — tried to the very 
last moment to preserve peace. His efforts, however, were 
necessarily in vain " because Russia was resolved to have 
war under any and all circumstances, and because Eng- 
land, which had encouraged for a decade the anti-German 
nationalism in France and Russia, failed to seize the splendid 
opportunity offered to her of proving the love of peace which 
she had so of ten proclaimed. . . . England did not desire friend- 
ship with Gerinany. . . . Jealous of the development of Ger- 
many and feeling that it was being eclipsed in many lines 
of activity by German efficiency ar.d German industry, 
England wanted to crush Germany by brute force, as it 
had foiTnerly crushed Spain, Holland and France." 

7* 



lOO 

The unavoidable revulsion of public sentiment in the 
neutral states followed slowly under the impression made 
by the advance of the German armies in all directions, 
but only slowly and interrupted continually by misleading 
news reports. Thus a telegraphic dispatch from Rome 
under date of September 14*^': 

The glowing reports from Paris about great victories of the French 
on the Marne and the retreat of the German armies along the whole 
line have given fresh nourishment to the anti-German agitation, but this 
movement is limited to Rome and Genoa. 

As in Italy, so also in Rumania were the organs of 
the Entente Powers busily at work stirring up the people 
against Germany and trying to influence the governments 
to abandon their neutrality. Certain Rumanian news- 
papers exceeded even their English, French and Belgian 
prototypes, with their oriental imagery and their burn- 
ing hatred of Germany. Thus the "Dreptatoa," a Bucha- 
rest daily paper, printed on August 18*^ the following 
blood-curdler : 

German Atrocities. 
The savagery of the Teutonic race reveals itself in blood. 

A person who has within the past few days returned from Germany- 
informs us of a case of an absolutely monstrous and disgusting char- 
acter. The German women of various cities have begun to wear 
necklaces that are made of the eyes of the French wounded, which have 
been cut out by the German soldiers. 

The same person assures us that even German women behave in 
the same bestial manner as the German soldiers toward the French 
wounded, who were taken prisoners during the fighting between Metz 
and the Vosges Mountains. 

One of the above-mentioned necklaces has been sent to Russia by 
way of Rumania. 



lOI 

Sucli stuff may be disbelieved by the educated classes ; 
but it is calculated for tlie people, is believed by the 
masses, and does its work. With such means as this 
anti- German street - demonstrations against the neutral 
government are gotten up. 

England is also fighting in Spain, just as in Rumania, 
with her money, resolved as it is to fight to the last 
penny. The Madi-id newspapers- — "Liberal," "Imperial," 
"Heraldo," and others — zealously employed their biggest 
head-lines to disseminate the Anglo-French misrepresenta- 
tions and calumnies against a neutral government. 

"La Lectura Dominical "of August 22"'^ described these 

papers in the following terms: 

Whenever they come to speak of Germany they do so regularly 
in such expressions as if Germany were a Negro state in Central Africa. 
The officers of its army are nothing but ballet dancers, its soldiers the 
worst savages in the fullest sense of the word, the German cannon are 
organ pipes, German rifles are reeds, the German aeroplanes the me- 
rest sparrows, the airships soap-bubbles, Germany's powder sand, its 
bullets of cotton, its horses made of pasteboard, and its battleships and 
cruisers are paper boats. 

With such descriptions the Spaniards too were to be 
mobilized against Germany. 

Gradually, in the neutral states, the German reports 
are also printed along with the French and English ones, 
and they are finally found to be trustworthy. People 
found out, and will continue more and more to find out, 
these lies and inventions, — the making of which is, 
according to ^Eschylus, the ugliest of all diseases. 



I02 

People were finally staggered even in Paris. According 
to the official reports the French armies had won great 
victories, but the Germans advanced further and further 
into France, till they reached the vicinity of Paris. It 
was only after the people there heard the thmider of 
hostile artillery, only after the seat of government had 
been removed from Paris to Bordeaux, that public con- 
fidence was shaken. Nothing more was believed. The 
revulsion took the form of unbridled panic — a terror 
without end. 



COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS 
BETWEEN GERMANY AND U.S.A. 

Germany's financial rise since 1870. Export and Import with 
the U.S.A. The present firm condition of German finance. 

POLITICIANS and commercial men must base their 
plans upon facts as they are and not as they wish 
they were, otherwise they fail. France has closed its eyes 
not only to the great intellectual and moral assets of 
Germany but also to its commercial resources. 

France has repeatedly declared that Germany could 
not effect a serious political opposition, because a war 
would result in the ruin of its commercial and financial 
strength. This we heard in the Morocco crisis, also in the 
Balkan wars, Germany's love of peace which was tested 
in the above-mentioned cases strengthened the French 
in their error. He however, who has taken the trouble 
to visit Germany and the Germans in their places of 
employment —and especially Americans in recent years 
have done this, however also many Englishmen, who in 
vain have protested against the war with Germany — he 
can testify to the astonishing commercial advancement, 
which Germany has made since its political union by Bis- 
marck. 

A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. 
The population of Germany has since 1870, immigrants 



I04 

excluded, increased from 40 millions to 6 7 millions, round 
numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have ap- 
proximately doubled during the last generation ; savings- 
deposits have increased six-fold. Although, only a genera- 
tion ago, commerce and trade employed only about ^j^ of 
the population, now more than 3^^ are engaged in this 
field of work, and Germany, as a result of its agricultural 
economy and increased intense farming, is to-day the third 
largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and 
iron industries, Germany is second only to America. In 
one generation its coal production increased 2 ^jz-fold, its 
raw iron production almost four-fold. During the same 
period of time the capital of the German banks increased 
four-fold and their reserve fund eight-fold. Characteristic 
of Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active 
private initiative is a strong feeling for the great uni- 
versal interests and for organic cooperation of private and 
state resources. This feeling explains the perfect working 
of our state activities, in particular our railways, 95% of 
which are owned by the government and which yield an 
essentially higher revenue than those in England or France; 
it explains further the willing acceptance of the great 
financial burdens which general insurance imposes upon 
those engaged in private enterprises and which to-day is 
proving a blessing to almost the entire laboring force of 
Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized by 
any other country. 



I05 

What economic value to the world has a nation which 
for more than forty years has concentrated all its energy 
in peaceful industry? Does anyone deny that Grermany's 
great technical and commercial advancement has been 
a blessing for the development of the world? Has 
not the commercial progress in Germany had the effect 
of awaking new productive powers in all parts of 
the world and of adding new territories which engage 
in the exchange of goods with the civilized nations of the 
world? Since the founding of the new German Empire> 
German foreign trade has increased from 5 '/a to ap- 
proximately 20 billion marks. Germany has become 
the best customer of a great number of countries. Not 
only has the German consumption of provisions and luxu- 
ries increased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, 
tropical fruits, sugar, tobacco and colonial products, but 
above all else that of raw materials such as coal, iron, 
copper and other metals, cotton, petroleum, wood, skins, 
etc. Germany furnishes a market for articles of manu- 
facture also, forAmerican machinery, English wool, French 
luxury articles, etc. One is absolutely wrong in the belief, 
that the competition of German industry in the world 
market has been detrimental to other commercial nations. 
Legitimate competition increases the business of all con- 
cerned. 

The United States of America has reaped especial 
profit from Germany's flourishing commercial condition. 
Germany purchases more from the U.S.A. than from 



io6 

any other country of the world. Germany buys annually 
from the U.S.A. approximately $ 170,000,000 worth of 
cotton, $ 75,000,000 worth of copper, $ 60,000,000 
worth of wheat, $ 40,000,000 animal fat, $ 20,000,000 
mineral oil and the same amount of vegetable oil. In 
1890 the import and export trade between Germany and 
the U.S. amounted to only $ 100,000,000, in 19 13 to 
about $ 610,000,000. Germany to-day imports from the 
U.S. goods to the value of $ 430,000,000, while she 
exports to the U.S. nearly $ 180,000,000 worth. No 
nation therefore can judge as well as the U.S. what 
German commerce means to the world. 

In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this 
field our opponents will be obliged to change their views. 
In 1 9 1 2 Germany's national debt was about 1 4 marks per 
capita lower than England's. The public debt of France 
per capita was far more than double that of Germany. Ger- 
many, however, has large national assets which offset its 
liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian rail- 
ways alone exceed by far the aggregate amount of the 
Prussian debt, the income of the railways alone is essen- 
tially greater than the amount which the interest and 
amortisation of the entire state debt demand. The war, 
which according to the French conception, was destined 
to bring about the financial and commercial ruin of Ger- 
many, has brought forth the astonishing result, that the fa- 
mous French money market was the first to fail in this crisis. 
As early as July 25 th, before the rejection of the Austrian 



I07 

Ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the oflfer of 
3°/o redeemable French notes to the French exchange was 
so great that the Chambre Syndi aie des Agents de Change 
in the interest of the public, prohibited the quotation of 
a lower rate than 78°/o, while bids of 74^/0 had already 
been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely forbidden 
and in the coulisse, business was at a standstill. A few 
days later, the July liquidation, in the official market as 
well as in the coulisse, was postponed until the end of 
August, which action proved the necessity of a period of 
grace. On July 3 1 st the French savings-banks, at the 
command of the government, suspended daily payments 
and paid out sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen 
days notice being necessary. The London money market 
too has hardly stood the war test. On July 30tli the 
Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount 
from 3 to 4°/o, several days later to 8°/o and again 
after a few days to the incredible rate of io°/o. In con- 
trast to this, the President of the German Reichsbank 
was able, on the ist of August to declare that the direc- 
torate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank and the 
solid constitution of the German money market, did 
not consider it necessary to follow England's example. 
The German Reichsbank has therefore not exceeded the 
rate of 6 °/o. Worse yet was the fact that England on Au- 
gust 2nd was obliged to require grace on exchange and 
France on August 3rd, grace on its accounts-current and 
Lombard loans. Although along with England and France, 



io8 

also Russia, Austria, Italy, Belgium and other nations re^ 
quired temporary credit, Germany to date has not deemed 
it necessary to ask for time in meeting its obligations. 
Savings-banks, other banks and financial institutions are 
meeting all demands without restriction. The fact, that 
the English money market which up to the present time 
has been considered the financial center of international 
trade, has failed, will bring many a serious thought to 
all commercial men interested in the world market. 

German commerce has doubtless been temporarily in- 
jured by the war, but the esprit de corps and organization 
which animate the German nation are not only a firm foun- 
dation for German commerce, but also a strong support 
for the further development of the commerce and trade 
of the entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon 
be reestablished. 



WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS? 

An appeal to American friends. 

THE American citizen who is now leaving Europe, 
which has been turned into an enormous military 
camp, may consider himself fortunate that he will soon 
be able to set foot in the new world where he will be 
enabled again to take up his business pursuits. In the 
meantime old Europe is being torn asunder by a terrible 
war among its various peoples. It will make him happy 
again to greet mountain and valley, field and garden, 
which are not threatened, nor trampled down by armies 
or covered with blood; again to see cities in which bu- 
siness and traffic are not brought to a standstill by calling 
in all men capable of military service; and he may thank 
fortune that his people have been given room enough in 
which to expand and to permit them freely to unfold 
their power; that they are spared the great necessity of 
resisting the tiglitening ring of enemies in the east and 
west, on land and water, in a struggle for national exist- 
ence. 

But the American will feel the eifects of the fate of 
the old world. Even though he knows his own country 
is not directly involved, he will certainly realize that the 
great net of international traffic and the progress of his 



I lO 

country are connected by many strong ties to the life 
and prosperity of European peoples. He will bd affected 
by every victory and defeat, just as by the sun and rain 
in his own country. He will doubtless remember that of 
all European countries, Germany is the best customer of 
the United States, from which she purchases yearly over 
one billion marks in cotton, food, metal and tecluixx^al 
products. If Germany is economically ruined, which is 
the wish of Russia, France and England and a^ allied 
friends of wretched Servia, it would mean the loss of 
a heavy buyer to America, and thereby cause a serious 
loss to America which could not easily be made good. 
It would be a great blow to American export trade, of 
which Germany handles not less than 14% yearly. 

The material loss is not the only feature. In the 
economic struggle in the world markets, American and 
German commercial men have learned mutually to ai)pre- 
ciate one another, to appreciate one another more highly 
than do any other two rivals. The time is long past wlien 
the American pictured the German as one of thousands, 
shut up in a room, surrounded by documents and parch- 
ments, speculating about the unknown outside world, 
and the same is true of the German's idea of the American 
— a money-hungry barbarian. Two nations in which so 
much kindred blood flows and which are connected by 
so many historical events understand each other better 
to-day than formerly. Above all, they have a mutual 
understanding regarding the ideal in commercial life: A 



1 1 1 

man engaged in work not for the sake of the profit, but 
for the sake of the work he is doing ; one who gives all his 
strength to his task, and who works for the general wel- 
fare of the people as a whole, considering his position as 
an office and his wealth as an obligation, not as the final 
aim, but as a basis for the realization of higher attain- 
ments. He places the value of character and the develop- 
ment of the creative powers of man higher than all econo- 
mic success. Two nations united by such common incli- 
nations and ideals, boldness of enterprise, far-sightedness, 
quickness of decision, admiration for intellectual achieve- 
ments, cannot help being exceedingly congenial to each 
other. What concerns one to-day, concerns the other. 

Does it sound like a paradox when I say Germany's 
struggle concerns not only her own destiny, but to a 
considerable extent that of America? Does the United 
States consider itself entirely immune from the warlike 
complications brought about by the Servian murder of 
princes and Russia's breach of faith? In any event it 
will be difficult for it to say: *'What's Hecuba to me?" 
One thing should be clearly understood on the shores of 
the five oceans, that the cause of this most terrible war 
does not emanate from the dark Balkans, or from a 
Russian military group, but from envy and hate which 
healthy, young and striving Germany has aroused in her 
older rivals; not because this or that demand was made 
by one cabinet and refused by another, but because it 
was believed there was finally an opportunity to destroy 



I 12 

the hated opponent who threatened to put the older 
Western European powers in the shade, and for this 
reason England and France put their strength into the 
service of criminal and brutal Servia. The following sta- 
tistics will, perhaps, throw some light on the develop- 
ment of the foreign trade of the principal countries from 
1870 to 191 3: ( — in billions of marks — ). 





1870 


^913 


Great Britain 


9,180 


23,280 


France 


4,540 


12,300 


Russia 


2,000 


5,580 


Germany 


4,240 


20,440 



In these 43 years, which have been decisive in the 
development of international economy, England, France 
and Russia have not been able even to increase their 
foreign trade three times, while Germany and the United 
States have increased thnrs Jive times. The trade of Ger- 
many and the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 
billion marks. If these figures show nothing else, they 
show on which side the American sympathy will be. This 
war, provoked by Russia because of an outrageous desire 
for revenge, supported by Flngland and France, has no 
other motive than envy of Germany's position in economic 
life, and of her people, who are fighting for a place in 
the sun. " Right or wrong, Germany must not grow." That 
is the turning point of a policy which the French Republic 
drilled into the Muscovites. Let us consider the adversaries 
of Germany. Russia, the classic land of violence and terrible 



113 

exploitation of the people for the benefit of a degenerated 
aristocracy. France, a type of a nation in which there is 
not even enough enterprise to increase the productiveness 
of the country. England, which has so long felt its glory 
vanishing and in the meantime has remained far behind its 
younger rival in financial and economic equipment. One can 
easily imagine the feelings of these peoples when they 
observe the rapid and successful growth of Germany, and 
wonders if these same feelings will not one day be directed 
against the youthful North American giant. In this war it 
shall be decided which is the stronger: the organized inertia 
of the tired and envious, or the unfolding of power in the 
service of a strong and sacrificing life. To know that we 
have American friendship in this struggle will mean a 
great moral support for us in the coming trying days, for 
we know that the country of George Washington and 
Abraham Lincoln places itself only on the side of a just 
cause and one worthy of humanity's blessing. 



DOCUMENTS. 

THE German White Book, containing the telegrams ex- 
changed between the Kaiser and the Czar and between 
the German and the Russian Government, giving in detail 
the com-se of events and negotiation that led up to the war, 
has been published in a separate edition. The following 
documents form a further contribution. 

1. Testimony of the Belgian Minister in St. Petersburg. 

Belgian Legation. 
St. Petersburg. 

795/402. J^y 30^ 1^14^ 

On the political situation. 

To His Excellency M. Davignon, 
Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 

Mr. Secretary: 

Yesterday and the day before yesterday have passed 
in the expectation of events that must inevitably follow 
Austria-Hungary's declaration of war against Servia. The 
most contradictory reports have been circulating, without 
its being possible to distinguish between the true and the 
false, concerning the intentions of the Imperial Russian 
Government. Only one thing is uncontradicted, which is that 
Germany has made earnest efforts here and in Vienna to find 



115 

some way of avoiding a general conflict. On the one side, 
however, it has met with the firm decision of the Vienna 
Cabinet not to yield a step, and on the other side with 
the mistrust of the St. Petersburg Cabinet against the 
assurance of Austria-Hungary, that it only intends to 
punish Servia, and not to take a part of her territory. 

M. Sasonoff has said that it is impossible for Russia 
to avoid holding herself in readiness and not to mobilize, 
that these preparations, however, are not directed against 
Germany. This morning an official communication in the 
newspapers announced that the reserves in a certain 
number of governments have been called to the colors. 
Anyone who knows the custom of the official Russian com- 
munications to keep something in reserve, can safely main- 
tain that a general mobilization is taking place. 

The German Ambassador has this morning declared 
that he has reached the end of the efforts which since 
Saturday he has been making without interruption for 
a satisfactory arrangement, and that he has almost given 
up hope. 

I have been told that the English Ambassador also 
has expressed himself in the same way. England has re- 
cently proposed arbitration. Sasonoff answered: "We 
have ourself proposed it to Austria-Hungary, but it has 
rejected the proposal." To the proposal of a conference, 
Germany answered with the counterproposal of an under- 
standing between the Cabinets. One might truly ask one- 
self whether the whole world does not wish war and 
E 9 



ii6 

only seeks to postpone for a while the declaration, in 
order to gain time. 

England at first let it be understood that it would not al- 
low itself to be drawn into a conflict. Sir George Buchanan 
said that quite openly. To-day in St. Petersburg one is 
firmly persuaded that England will stand by the side of 
France, and even that the assurance of this has been given. 
This assistance is of quite extraordinary weight, and has not 
a little contributed to give the war party the upper hand. 
The Russian Government has in these last days given 
free rein to all demonstrations friendly to Servia and 
hostile to Austria, and has in no wise attempted to sup- 
press them. In the council of ministers, which took place 
yesterday morning, differences of opinion still showed 
themselves; the declaring of a mobilization was post- 
poned, but since then a change has appeared, the war 
party has attained the upper hand, and this morning at four 
o'clock the mobilization was ordered. 

The army, which feels itself strong, is full of enthu- 
siasm, and bases great hopes on the extraordinary pro- 
gress which it has made since the Japanese war. The 
navy is still so far from the completion of its plans of 
reorganization that it is scarcely to be taken into account. 
For this reason, the assurance of English assistance is con- 
sidered of such great importance. 

As I had the honor of telegraphing you to-day (T. lo) 
all hopes of a peaceable solution seem to have vanished ; 
that is the view of the diplomatic corps. 



117 

I have made use of the route via Stockholm with the 
Nordisk Cable for sending my telegram, as it is safer 
than the other. 

I am entrusting this report to a private courier, who 
will post it in Grermany. 

Please receive, Mr. Secretary, the assm*ance of my 

greatest respect 

(Signed) B. de I'Escaille. 



2. How the Franco-German conflict might 
have been avoided. 

The following documents refer to the exchange of views 
between Germany and England immediately before the 
war broke out. It will be perceived from these documents 
that Germany was prepared to spare France in case Eng- 
land should remain neutral and would guarantee the neu- 
trality of France. 

Telegram of His Royal Highness Prince Henry of Prussia to 
H. M. the King of England of July 30, 1914. 

Am here since yesterday, have informed William of 
what you kindly told me at Buckingham Palace last Sun- 
day who gratefully received your message. 

William, much preoccupied, is trying his utmost to 
fulfill Nicholas's appeal to him to work for maintenance 
of peace and is in constant telegraphic communication with 
Nicholas, who today confirms news that military measures 



ii8 

have been ordered by him tantamount to mobilization, and 
that these measures were already taken five days ago. 

We are furthermore informed that France is making 
military preparations, whereas we have taken no measures, 
but may be forced to do so any moment should our neigh- 
bors continue. This would then mean a European war. 

If you really and earnestly wish to prevent this terrible 
disaster, may I suggest that you use your influence 
on France and also Russia to remain neutral. It seems to 
me that this would be most useful. 

This I consider a certain, perhaps the only chance, to 
maintain the peace of Europe. 

I may add that now more than ever Germany and Eng- 
land should lend each other mutual help to prevent a 
terrible catastrophe which otherwise seems unavoidable. 

Believe me that William is most sincere in his endeavours 
to maintain peace, but that the military preparations 
of his two neighbors may at last force him to follow 
their example for the safety of his own country, which 
otherwise would remain defenceless. 

I have informed William of my telegram to you and 

hope you will receive my information in the same spirit 

of friendship in which I 2"ave it. .o- j^ tt 

^ ^ (bigned) Henry. 

Telegram of H. M. the King of England to Prince Henry of 
Prussia of July 30, 1914. 

Thanks for your telegram. Am very glad to hear of Wil- 
liam's effort to join with Nicholas to maintain peace. Indeed, 



119 

I am earnestly desirous that such, an irreparable disaster 
as a European war should be averted. My Government 
is doing its utmost to induce Russia and France to sus- 
pend further military preparations if Austria will con- 
sent to be satisfied with the occupation of Belgrade and 
neighboring Servian territory as a hostage for satisfactory 
settlement of her demands, other countries meanwhile 
suspending their war preparations. I trust William will 
use his great influence to induce Austria to accept this 
proposal thus proving that Germany and England are 
working together to prevent what would be an inter- 
national catastrophe. Pray assure William I am doing 
and shall continue to do all that lies in my power to pre- 
serve the peace of Europe. (Signed) George. 

Telegram of His Majesty the Emperor to H. M. the King of 
England of July 31, 1914. 

Many thanks for kind telegram. Your proposals coin- 
cide with my ideas and with the statements I got tonight 
from Vienna and which I have had forwarded to London. 
I just received news from chancellor that official notifi- 
cation has just reached him that Nicholas tonight has 
ordered the mobilization of his whole army and navy. 
He has not even awaited the results of the mediation I 
am working at and left me without any news. I am off 
for Berlin to take measures for ensuring safety of my 
eastern frontiers, where strong Russian troops are already 
posted. (Signed) William. 



I20 

Telegram of the King of England to His Majesty the Emperor 
of August 1, 1914. 

Many thanks for your telegram last night. I sent an 
urgent telegram to Nicholas expressing my readiness to do 
everything in my power to assist in reopening conver- 
sations between powers concerned. 

(Signed) George. 

Telegram of the German Ambassador in London to the Chan- 
cellor of August 1, 1914. 

Sir E. Grey just ashed me hy telephone whether I believed 

that I could declare that we would not attack France in a 

war between Germany and Russia in case France should 

remain neutral. I declared I believed I could give such an 

undertaking. 

(Signed) Lichnowsky. 

Telegram of His Majesty the Emperor to H. M. the King of 
England of August 1, 1914. 

I just received the communication from yom^ Govern- 
ment in which Great Britain guarantees the neutrality of 
France. Added to this offer was the enquiry whether under 
these conditions Germany would refrain from attacking 
France. On technical grounds my mobilization, which had 
already been proclaimed this afternoon, must proceed 
against two fronts east and west as prepared ; this cannot 
be countermanded because your telegram unfortunately 
came too late. But if France offers me neutrality j which must be 
guaranteed by the British army and navy^ I shall of course re- 



12 I 

frain from attacking France and employ my troops elsewhere. 
I hope that France will not become nervous. The troops 
on my frontier are now in the act of being stopped by tele- 
graph and telephone from crossing into France. 

Telegram of the Chancellor to the German Ambassador in 
London of August 1, 1914. 

Germany is ready to accept British proposal in case Eng- 
land guarantees with all her forces absolute neutrality of 
France in Russo-German conflict. German mobilization has 
been ordered to-day on account of Russian challenge before 
English proposal was known here. It is therefore now 
impossible to make any change in strategical distribution 
of troops ordered to the French frontier. But we guar- 
antee that our troops will not cross the French frontier before 
7 p.m. on Monday the 3''^ inst. in case England's proposal 
be received by that time. 

(Signed) Bethmann Hollweg. 

Telegram of H. M. the King of England to His Majesty the 
Emperor of August 1, 1914. 

In answer to your telegram just received, I think there 
must be some misunderstanding as to a suggestion that 
passed in friendly conversation betweenPrinceLicHNOWSKY 
and Sir Edward Grey this afternoon when they were dis- 
cussing how actual fighting between German and French 
armies might be avoided as long as there is a chance of 
some agreement between Austria and Russia. Sir Edward 



122 

Grey will arrange to seePrinceLicHNOWSKY early to-morrow 

morning to ascertain whether there is a misunderstanding 

on his part. 

(Signed) George. 

Telegram of the German Ambassador in London to the 
Chancellor of August 2, 1914. 

Sir E. Grey's suggestions were prompted by a desire 
to make it possible for England to keep permanent neu- 
trality, but as they were not based on a previous understand- 
ing with France and made without knowledge of our mo- 
bilization, they have been abandoned as absolutely hopeless. 

(Signed) Lichnowsky. 

The essence of Germany's declarations is contained in 
Emperor William's telegram to the King of England of 
August 1, 1.914. Even if there existed a misunderstanding as 
to an English proposal, the Kaiser's offer furnished England 
the opportunity to prove her pacific disposition and to prevent 
the Franco-German war. 



3. Text of the Telegraphic Instructions to the German 
Minister in Brussels, dated August 2, 1914. 

The Imperial Government is in possession of trust- 
worthy information concerning the intended forward move- 
ment of the French forces along the Mouse, on the route 



123 

Givet-Namur. It permits of no doubt that the French intend 
to advance against Germany through Belgium territory. The 

Imperial Grovernment cannot free itself from the appre- 
hension that Belgium with the best will would not be 
able, without assistance, to ward off a French approach 
with so great a likelihood of success as to furnish a suffi- 
cient guarantee against the threatened danger to Germany. 
It is a requirement of self-preservation for Germany to 
anticipate the hostile attack. It would fill Germany with 
the greatest regret, therefore, if Belgium should regard 
it as an act of hostility toward herself that the plans of 
her adversaries compel Germany in its own defense to 
enter also upon Belgian territory. In order to exclude 
every misconception, the Imperial Government makes the 
following declaration : 

1 . Germany has in view no acts of hostility against Belgium. 

If Belgium in the war that has begun is willing to take 
a position of friendly neutrality towards Germany, the 
German Government pledges itself on the conclusion of 
peace, to guaranty the territorial integrity and independ- 
ence of the kingdom to the fullest extent. 

2. Germany pledges itself under the above condition 
to withdraw from the kingdom as soon as peace is concluded. 

3 . If Belgium maintains a friendly attitude, Germany 
is prepared, in agreement with the royal Belgian author- 
ities, to purchase for cash all necessaries required by its 
troops, and to make good any possible damage that might be 
caused by the German troops. 



124 

If Belgium should hostilely oppose the German troops, 
especially their advance, through a resistance offered by 
the fortifications on the Meuse, or make difficulty for 
them by the destruction of railways, roads, tunnels or 
other works, Germany would to its regret be compelled 
to regard the kingdom as an enemy. In this case Ger- 
many would not be able to assume any responsibility 
towards the kingdom, but would be obliged to leave the 
adjustment of the relations between the two states to 
the arbitrament of war. 



4. The German Emperor to President Wilson. 

I regard it my duty, Mr. President, to inform you, who 
are the most prominent representative of the fundamental 
principles of humanity, that after the capture of the French 
fortress Longwy, my troops discovered there thousands 
of dum-dum cartridges, which were made at a special 
government workshop. The same kind of cartridges were 
found on dead and wounded soldiers and on prisoners, 
also on British troops. You know what terrible wounds 
and suffering these bullets cause, and that their use is 
strongly forbidden by the recognized principles of inter- 
national law. I address to you therefore a solemn protest 
against this manner of conducting the war which, thanks 
to the methods of our adversaries, has become one of the 
most barbaric known to history. Not only have they used 



125 

these inhuman weapons, but the Belgian government has 
openly encouraged the participation of the Belgian civil 
population in the conflict, and prepared for this a long- 
time in advance. The cruelties perpetrated even by women 
and clergyman in this guerilla warfare on wounded sol- 
diers, medical men and nurses (surgeons were killed and 
hospitals shot at) were of such a kind, that my generals 
were finally compelled to use the sharpest means in order 
to punish the guilty and to terrify the blood-thirsty po- 
pulation from continuing their infamous acts. Some vil- 
lages, and even the old city of Louvain, with exception 
of the beautiful city hall, had to be destroyed in self- 
defence and for the protection of my troops. My heart 
bleeds when I see that such measures have become un- 
avoidable, and when I think of the countless innocent 
people who have lost their homes and property in con- 
sequence of the barbaric conduct of those criminals. 

William I. R. 



5. The Imperial Chancellor von Bethmann HoUweg 

to the representatives of the "Associated Press" 

and the "United Press" in New York. 

I do not know what one in America may think of the 
present war, but I suppose that by this time the exchange 
of telegrams between the German Emperor and the Czar 
on the one hand, and the Czar and the King of England 



126 

on the other, have been communicated to the American 
public. This exchange of telegrams furnishes to his- 
tory the uTCsistible proof that the German Emperor up 
to the last moment took the greatest possible pains to 
preserve peace. All his efforts however had to remain 
unsuccesful, because Russia was determined on war at 
any price, and England, which for decades had continued 
to stir up in Russia and France a sentiment hostile to 
Germany, let this splendid opportunity go by to confirm 
its love of peace, for which it has been so often praised; 
otherwise the war, at least between Germany and England, 
could have been avoided. If some day the secret docu- 
ments shall be made accessible to the public, the whole 
world will learn how often Germany has extended to England 
the hand of friendship, which England has always repelled. 
Jealous of the development of Germany, and terrified 
by the conviction that in very many domains it would 
be surpassed by German industrial efforts, England has 
desired brutally to overthrow Germany, as it formerly 
overthrew Spain, Holland and France. It believed that 
the moment for this had now come and gladly seized the 
opportunity which the march of German troops into Bel- 
gium offered, to take part in the war. Germany was itself 
compelled to enter Belgium, because it had to anticipate 
the entrance of French troops into that comitry which 
had been planned by France, and Belgium only waited for 
the entrance of the French in order to unite itself with 



127 

them. That England has only made use of a pretext is 
proved also by the fact that Sir Edward Grey already 
on the afternoon of August 2"*^, i. e., before the violation 
of Belgium's neutrality by Germany, had promised the 
French Ambassador the unconditional help of England, 
in case the German fleet should attack the French coast. 

English politics shrinks from nothing; and so it came 
that the English people, who have continually presented 
themselves as the champions of freedom and of right, can 
fight in alliance with Russia, that is to say, with the re- 
presentative of the most terrible absolutism, with the 
land which admits of no religious and intellectual free- 
dom and treads under foot the liberty of the people and 
the individual. 

England begins already to see that its calculation, so 
far as Germany is concerned, has been false. On this 
ground it seeks now with the most contemptible means 
to injure Germany as much as possible in its trade and 
colonies. For this reason it has urged Japan to make a 
sudden attack against Kiautschou and has led the African 
negroes to fight against the German colonies, without con- 
sidering the consequences of this for the general civiliz- 
ation of the white race, and has opened against us a cam- 
paign of lies after it had interrupted the telegraphic com- 
munications of Germany with the whole world. It will 
also endeavor in this way to persuade your countrymen as 
well that the German troops have burned and plundered 



128 

Belgian cities and villages, but will prudently keep silent 
the facts that Belgian young girls have put out the eyes 
of helpless wounded German soldiers on the battlefield, 
that officials of Belgian cities have invited our officers to 
dine and have assassinated them as they ate. Contrary to 
international law, the whole Belgian civil population has 
been called to arms. After offering our troops a friendly 
reception, they fell upon them from behind in the most 
cruel way. Belgian women cut the throats of German sol- 
diers while they were asleep. England will also say noth- 
ing of the dum-dum cartridges which, as is proved by 
the contents of the original packages found on the French 
and English prisoners, were used by the English and 
French. 

His Majesty has permitted me to communicate all this 
to you and to declare to you that he places the fullest 
confidence in the feelings and the fairness of the American 
people, who will not let themselves be deceived by the 
compaign of lies of oui- enemies. Everyone who has been 
staying in Germany since the outbreak of the war has 
had to admire the high moral plane of the Germans who, 
threatened from all sides, enter upon the war to preserve 
their existence, and he knows that this people is incapable 
of practicing unnecessary cruelties. 

Thanks to the splendid moral spirit of our troops we 
shall conquer, and the vilest lies will be as little able to 
prevent our victory as to cloud the goodness of our cause. 



129 



6. The Imperial Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg to 
Ritzau's Bureau, Kopenhagen. 

September 13*^. 
In his Guildhall speech, the English Prime Minister has 
claimed the right of protecting the smaller and weaker 
states against Grermany. He has spoken of the neutrality 
of Belgium which has been violated by Germany, and of 
that of Holland and Switzerland which she may ulti- 
mately endanger. It is true, we have violated the neu- 
trality of Belgium, because bitter necessity forced us to do 
so. But we had promised Belgium to preserve the integrity 
of her territory and to grant her full indemnification, if 
she was willing to take into account the necessities of our 
position. In this case, we would have damaged Belgium 
just as little as we did, for instance, Luxemburg. If Eng- 
land as a protector of the weaker states had wanted to 
save Belgium from endless distress, it should have advised 
Belgium to accept our offer. As far as we know, England 
has not "protected" Belgium at all. Is England indeed 
such an unselfish protector? We know for certain that the 
French plan of war provided for a march through Belgium, 
in order to fall upon the unprotected Rhine country. Is 
there anybody who believes that if this had been done, 
England would have interfered for the sake of protecting 
Belgium against France ? We have respected strictly the 
neutrality of Holland and Switzerland and we have very 



I30 

scrupulously avoided even the smallest encroacliment upon 
Dutch Limburg. It is surprising that Mr. Asquith only 
mentions Belgium, Holland and Switzerland and not the 
Scandinavian countries. It is possible that he has spoken 
of Switzerland in thinking of France. Holland and Bel- 
gium lie opposite England on the other side of the 
Channel, and it is on this account that England is so 
anxious about the "neutrality" of these countries. Why 
does Ml'. Asquith keep silence about the Scandinavian 
countries? Is it perhaps because he knows that we do 
not think of infringing the neutrality of these countries ? 
Or can it be because England, having in view a possible 
pushing forward into the Baltic or out of regard to the 
war plans of Russia, does not think of Danish neutrality 
as a noli me tangere ? Mr. Asquith wishes it to be believed 
that England is fighting against us the battle of freedom 
against absolutism. The world has got accustomed to 
this mode of expression. In the name of freedom Eng- 
land has, by the use of brute force and with the most 
ruthless egoism, built up its great colonial empire. In the 
name of freedom it destroyed the independence of the 
Boer republic. In the name of freedom it treats Egypt as 
an English colony, in violation of international treaties 
and of its solemn promise. In the name of freedom one 
after another of the Malay protectorate states loses its in- 
dependence in favor of England. In the name of freedom 
it seeks, by cutting the German cable, to prevent the 
world from learning the truth concerning the war. The 



131 

English premier is mistaken. When England joined with 
Russia and Japan against Germany it betrayed, through 
an insensate infatuation that stands alone in the history 
of the world, the cause of civilization, and handed over 
to the German sword the maintenance of the freedom of 
Europe. 

(Signed) Bethmann Hollweg. 



nt »ar lllttunlil, 12!6 Seiiltm'xr, VA 




VOL I. No 4. Latest German Invention- The Red Cross Machine-GunI a?seS"!"»u 



A malicous and false English cartoon, designed to in- 
tlame the unthinking masses against Germany. The forgery is a bungling 
one. The uniforms exhibit a chain lipstrap, which is not worn by German 
soldiers, and the cartridges in the belt are shown Avitli the bullets pointing 

toward the rear. 









Diiindum projectiles, single and in jjacknges, as 
taken frona jDrisoners and dead soldiers on the battlefield. 




Dumdum cartridges bearing the stamp of the French 
mihtary department. 




Dumdum cartridges — front view. 

The jirojectile at the right, Avith its hollowed 23oint, is a jjarticularly terril^le one. 

The machine for boring these holes was found in Longwy. 



ETUIS TE.4. 97 B" TE 
POUOREBFPBI 91 



VIS. 1912 


8 CARTOUCHES. 


DE STAND m 1908 


LOT 74 



Inscription on the packages of dumdum projectiles 
found in Longwy. 




The undestrnyed Rathaus at Louvain as it 
apjjears to-day. 







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CONTENTS. 

Listen, all ye People! 5 

How the War came about 10 

Reichstag and Emperor 20 

The German Mobilization 27 

Army and Navy 34 

The Attitude of Germany's Enemies 42 

Germany, England and the Neutrality of Belgium 51 

Louvain and the Belgian Atrocities 58 

Misrepresentations and Calumnies 83 

Commerce and Trade Relations between Germany and U.S.A. . 103 

Who is to be Victorious? An Appeal to American Friends . . 109 

Documents 114 



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